Spain’s Second Republic (1931-1936): Reforms, Challenges, and Civil War
Topic 16. Second Republic (1931-1936)
The election victory of the left and the fall of the monarchy of Alfonso XIII demonstrated the Spanish people’s capacity for self-governance. However, the 1929 economic crisis exacerbated social tensions, ultimately making the Republican regime impractical. April 14th marked a substantial shift in the country’s political life, yet establishing a lasting democracy in Spain proved challenging, given its high cultural level and persistent social tensions.
Provisional Government
Following the elections and the Republican victory, the Second Republic was proclaimed, with a provisional government leading Spain. This government comprised individuals with diverse views, including royalists like Alcalá Zamora, who served as President, and Miguel Maura, who headed the Interior Ministry. Manuel Azaña emerged as a leading figure, holding the War portfolio. A significant novelty was the inclusion of three Socialist ministers: Prieto, Caballero, and Fernando de los Ríos.
The initial unity that accompanied the Republic’s birth began to dissipate after disagreements arose following the burning of convents in May. In late 1931, elections to the Constituent Cortes resulted in a decisive victory for the left, leaving the right under-represented despite its societal influence. The primary task of these Cortes was drafting a new constitution.
The 1931 Constitution
The 1931 Constitution was intensely democratic and idealistic, leaning left but not socialist. It envisioned a republic of workers of all kinds. Social rights were enshrined, and suffrage was extended to women. A critical error was the failure to reach a consensus on religious matters within the constitutional text, along with the weakness of the presidency relative to the Cortes. The constitution established a unicameral Parliament and a court of constitutional guarantees. The President of the Republic was elected for a six-year term, non-renewable consecutively, and appointed by the Cortes.
The Reform Biennium (1931-1933)
In 1931, Alcalá Zamora was elected President of the Republic through an alliance between Republicans and Socialists. Azaña implemented military reforms, reducing the number of officers and curbing the military’s political involvement, although these measures inadvertently harmed the Army’s valuable industrial capacity.
The religious question proved most divisive for the Republic. Addressing it was essential to separate church and state and ensure religious freedom. However, the political struggle became intertwined with religious conflict due to radical positions and the approval of anticlerical measures such as divorce laws, secularization of cemeteries, suspension of the clergy’s budget for two years, and the elimination of teaching by religious orders.
Another persistent issue in Spanish society was regional autonomy, particularly in Catalonia and the Basque Country. While Catalonia’s autonomy was addressed through the Statute of Nuria in 1932, granting powers to the Catalan government, the Basque Country failed to secure approval for either of its autonomy bills.
Among social reforms, land reform was paramount due to agriculture’s significance in the Spanish economy. Approved in 1932, it proved enormously complex and disappointing for farmers, leading to serious consequences for the ruling coalition. Farmers, expecting land redistribution, saw revolution as the only solution.
Labor reforms were also undertaken, including the promotion of social insurance. While there was no comprehensive plan to tackle unemployment, a public works program helped alleviate the situation, especially in the capital.
In education, the focus was on primary education, with a 50% budget increase. Efforts were made to expand culture at all levels, facing obstacles in replacing religious orders, which had dominated secondary and primary education.
Azaña’s government faced opposition from both the extreme left and the extreme right. The right-wing conspired, believing the Republic was too radical, and one such conspiracy was thwarted in 1932. Anarchists also staged uprisings three times between 1931 and 1933, damaging the government’s image.
The first biennium’s balance sheet reveals some positive reforms, but attempting too many changes simultaneously led to failures. The handling of religious matters was unfair, alienating a significant portion of society. Agrarian reform was poorly executed due to a lack of professionalism. Overall, the balance was positive, representing a significant reform effort compared to the past.
Second Biennium
Elections in November 1933 resulted in the Catholic right (CEDA) gaining 200 seats, the center (mostly Lerroux’s Radicals) 160, and Socialists around 100. This demonstrated the unviability of Azaña’s reformist project. Two new forces emerged in Parliament: Gil Robles’ CEDA, a Catholic party encompassing Catholics, Democrats, and Republicans, and Lerroux’s Radicals, an anticlerical party lacking a coherent program, leading to internal resignations.
Collaboration between these forces was limited from the outset due to significant differences. Governments between 1933 and 1934 were exclusively Radical. In 1934, CEDA’s entry into the government with three portfolios sparked strong opposition protests. Government instability was evident during this period, contributing to its ineffectiveness.
The October Revolution of 1934
Left Republican groups protested CEDA’s inclusion in the government, as CEDA had not explicitly declared its Republican loyalty. However, CEDA’s actions aimed more at consolidating the regime than destroying it.
A strike erupted in the capital, involving the CNT and Socialists, with resistance lasting longest in areas where they were strongest (e.g., Basque Country). Uprisings also occurred in Catalonia, where Lluís Companys proclaimed the Catalan Republic, expecting military support that did not materialize, leading to the suppression of their aspirations. Asturias witnessed a genuine social revolution led by the UGT and CNT, with Communists later claiming a decisive role. Military intervention in Asturias resulted in high casualties and brutality on both sides, foreshadowing the Civil War.
The Revolution’s consequences included the left’s impatience, lack of self-confidence, and disregard for democratic processes. The reaction against the revolution fostered disunity among center-right forces and increased the influence of the extreme right.
Difficulties arose between Alcalá Zamora and the ruling coalition. Discrepancies existed regarding economic reforms, but the final trigger was administrative scandals involving Radicals, leading to resignations and providing the left with ammunition against the government.
The second biennium, or “black biennium,” was characterized by sterility and instability due to the strained relationship between Radicals and CEDA, the actions of the extreme right, and the left’s refusal to accept the 1933 election results.
The Election of the Popular Front
These elections represented the Second Republic’s last chance. Extremist parties, such as the Falange and the Communists, had little electoral weight.
In the 1936 elections, the Popular Front, established at the urging of Manuel Azaña and moderate Socialists, united all left-wing forces, centralizing their candidacies with a disciplined approach. They aimed to revive the spirit of the April 14th Republic with a more advanced government program. In contrast, the right failed to unite under a single ticket or manifesto.
The Popular Front secured a narrow victory. CEDA maintained its vote share, while the left’s increased due to anarchists abandoning their abstention policy. The electorate ultimately favored more moderate candidates, explaining the Popular Front’s victory, which represented a reformist center position embodied by Manuel Azaña.
The Popular Front government faced severe difficulties. The extreme right and left engaged in conspiracies and made serious errors, acting on the brink of constitutional illegality. However, the worst decision may have been nominating Manuel Azaña as President of the Republic, removing a leader who might have prevented the Civil War. Casares Quiroga, appointed as head of government, proved powerless to control events.
The Slide to Civil War
Growing public disorder, including attacks on the Guardia Civil, church burnings, strikes, and infighting between Socialists and Anarchists, pushed the moderate right towards an uprising. The assassination of Calvo Sotelo by Assault Guards in retaliation for the murder of Lieutenant Castillo by right-wing elements served as the critical trigger. This grave situation demonstrated the government’s inability to control its agents and the chaos engulfing the country.
The Second Republic’s greatest merit was its aspiration to establish a democratic regime in Spain in 1931. While progress was made, maintaining stability proved elusive. Blaming one side exclusively is simplistic; the more significant issue was the polarization of parties to extremes, hindering mutual understanding, whether between CEDA and the Socialists or even among Republicans themselves. Thus, the politicians’ errors compounded the challenges they faced.