Political Instability and the Road to the Spanish Civil War

III. The Black or Right Biennium

Following the right-wing CEDA’s electoral victory, a parliamentary and government collaboration was initiated with the centrist Radical Party. This aimed to “rectify” the previous government’s work and halt initiated reforms. Despite CEDA securing more seats, Lerroux led the government to avoid protests if the suspiciously anti-Republican CEDA came to power. It was believed that CEDA was unprepared to govern.

Decisions taken had a reactionary tone:

• Amnesty for the military involved in the Sanjurjada
• Land counter-reform, obstructing the process by increasing compensation to landowners, thus escalating rural conflicts
• Economic maintenance of the Catholic clergy in rural areas (against the Constitution)
• Slowing down the public schools program
• Abolition of the Catalan Autonomy Statute

The conflict originated with the Crop Contracts Act, which allowed tenant farmers (rabassaires) in the wine sector to purchase the land they had worked for 18 years. The government challenged the law in the Constitutional Court, and it was declared unconstitutional.

In October 1934, CEDA joined the government, triggering a general strike across Spain the following day. CEDA was labeled fascist and accused of attempting to dismantle the republic legally, mirroring Hitler’s tactics. The strike committee, led by the Socialists (Caballero), was formed in February. Sections of the CNT (but not all), the Communist PCE (Stalinist), joined after approval by the Third International. The strike was poorly organized, lacking coordination and clear objectives. It occurred in Seville, Cordoba, Valencia, San Sebastian, Bilbao, Palencia, León, Barcelona, and Madrid, but failed to consolidate. Farmers were exhausted after their February strike.

In Madrid, the Socialist Youth failed to seize key locations. Barcelona succeeded despite CNT dominance. On October 6, Companys proclaimed a Catalan state within a Spanish Federal Republic, but General Batet suppressed the revolution. The Statute of Autonomy was suspended indefinitely, and Companys and his advisors were imprisoned.

In Asturias, the strike evolved into a full-scale revolution centered on the mines. The Workers’ Alliance, including anarchists, established a commune. 20,000 workers (and teachers) mobilized, primarily in Oviedo. Revolutionary order was established, official currency abolished, and supply, sanitation, and transport services organized.

Government forces quickly regained control. Revolutionary Committee members were arrested, and martial law declared. Franco coordinated the repression: 1,200 rebel deaths, 450 military casualties, and 30,000 detainees. The left blamed the government for executions, torture, and summary trials. The right highlighted revolutionary violence and murders of priests.

After the October Revolution, political reforms accelerated. Labor reforms were reversed, anti-republicans gained control of army appointments, and constitutional reform regarding religious policy was never submitted.

The governing coalition fractured due to corruption scandals involving Radicals (the Nombela affair and the “black market” involving Strauss and Perel, who bribed politicians for a roulette concession in San Sebastian). The parliamentary majority collapsed.

For new elections, the left regrouped. On January 15, 1936, the Popular Front was formed, comprising Left Republicans, PSOE, PCE, trade unionists, POUM, and even anarchist support (they did not call for abstention). The front had broader support but less commitment. Their manifesto, not a government program, called for amnesty, reform of the Constitutional Court, continued reforms, and restoration of autonomy.

The right failed to unite in a national front. Elections were held on February 16, 1936. The Popular Front won with a 1% margin, securing a majority of seats. The center was defeated, and CEDA remained on the right.

IV. The Popular Front

The Popular Front government, composed solely of left-wing Republicans, was weak. Attempts to continue reforms from the first biennium radicalized both the labor movement (fearing revolution) and the right (fearing a military coup).

Reforms continued. On February 1, Azaña formed a government of left-wing Republicans, controlling less than a quarter of the seats, supported by Socialists and Communists. In May, Azaña became President of the Republic, leaving leadership to Indalecio Prieto, whose party was divided. Power ultimately rested with Casares Quiroga.

A broad amnesty for the 1935 revolutionaries was granted. Catalonia’s status was restored, and Companys re-elected president. The Basque Statute was voted on in parliament. A referendum on the Galician Statute was scheduled for June 28.

The Agrarian Reform Law was reinstated. Between March and June, 72,000 farmers, mostly in Extremadura, were settled. Spontaneous land occupations occurred from March onwards, eventually recognized by the government.

Social unrest worsened, with attacks on religious buildings, CNT and UGT-organized strikes, violent demonstrations, land occupations, around one million unemployed, political assassinations (FE = Spanish Funeral), and clashes between young socialists, anarchists, and Falangists. The government struggled to contain the violence. On July 12, Lieutenant José del Castillo, a socialist Assault Guard, was assassinated in Madrid. On July 13, Assault Guards abducted and murdered Calvo Sotelo, who had been openly advocating authoritarianism and inciting insurrection.

Anti-government conspiracies had been brewing since the Popular Front’s victory. Suspected coup plotters were moved away from Madrid: Franco to the Canary Islands, Goded to the Balearic Islands, and Mola to Navarre. Mola, the mastermind, contacted the Carlists, CEDA, and secured financial support. The Falange did not participate until June 10. Doubts persisted into early July. Calvo Sotelo’s murder proved the catalyst. Mola scheduled the uprising for July 18. The rebellion began in Morocco on July 17. The government, despite coup rumors, was caught unprepared.

Azaña’s lament: “I wanted to govern the country with two instruments, reason and votes, and I have been met with insults and rifles.”