Impact of the Spanish Civil War: Nationals vs. Republicans
The Spanish Civil War: A Nation Divided (1936-1939)
The failed coup, though not defeated, led to civil war and the existence of two completely different and opposing sides. Although the Spanish Civil War was an internal conflict, its international character would influence and originate mainly in its development.
The Nationalist and the Republican Sides
The civil war had an immediate political effect: the destruction of the state. From 1936 to 1939, in both areas, a new political state was created, simultaneous with the task of war.
Nationalist Spain: Concentration of Powers and Counterrevolution
In the Nationalist area, the Republican state disappeared. Gradually, a different one was created, characterized by the concentration of power, militarization, and discipline, with National-Catholicism reigning as the prevailing ideology. That is, the direction opposite to Republican Spain: the counterrevolution.
The Concentration of Power
Sanjurjo was to be the Nationalist leader, but his death left it without a clear head. With the coup’s failure confirmed but not defeated, a National Defense Board was created, consisting of the most important military coup participants (Franco, Mola, Queipo de Llano, Cabanellas, Davila, and Saliquert). The first task of this National Defense meeting was the appointment of the head of the military command, an appointment that fell to Franco due to the advance of his army in Africa, German and Italian sympathies, and being more cautious and less ideological than other candidates. Two events would influence the subsequent step: the symbolic takeover of the Alcázar and the legitimacy given by the people (demonstration staged by the Falange in Cáceres) and the Church (Pastoral of the Bishop of Salamanca, which presented the war as a “crusade for religion, country, and civilization”). Thus, the National Defense Council appointed him Generalissimo of the armies and—a novelty—head of the government and the state. It was September 1936.
The Institutionalization of the Regime
With state powers concentrated, Franco set out to create it, taking two major initiatives: the unification of political forces and the appointment of a Council of Ministers. He unified Falangists, traditionalists (Carlists), and remnants of the CEDA into a new party, the Traditionalist Spanish Falange of the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, judging and executing those who opposed it, such as the head of the Falange, Manuel Hedilla. It was clear that the unity of military command would be, in the future, the unity of political command, as Franco was the undisputed leader of the new party or National Movement. It would also give clues to the future appointment of the Council of Ministers. Franco was attributed by law the legislative power and distributed portfolios among the different political families whose primary function would be the regime’s ideological lining and the provision of political and administrative staff to the various institutions, as well as in the subsequent dictatorship.
This government, with its laws and decrees, began a slow process of institutionalization of the new government: Labor Law, which imposed official trade unions and state intervention in the economy; Press Law, which imposed prior censorship; and the Law of Media Education, which guaranteed the Catholic Church control of it. They were the bases of the new regime, which was then consolidated under the dictatorship.
First Nationalist Measures in the Area
Immediately, the political and social life in this area was militarized. Rigid press censorship was imposed, all political parties and trade unions of the Popular Front were abolished and outlawed, and the right of assembly and association was abolished. The only party allowed, the Falange Española de las JONS, became subordinated to military guidelines. The only permitted political symbols were those of the Falange (the yoke and arrows) and the Carlists (the cross of St. Andrew). All laws on Agrarian Reform were canceled, and land seized was returned to former owners.
Nationalists
The rebels called themselves Nationalists and even encouraged this appellation, including negative connotations. While Republicans managed to sustain it in the Republican bloc, the PNV, in the long term, this would be detrimental to the Republic and for all the Spanish left. The great error of the Popular Front at the time, and then all the Spanish left, was to leave the exclusive right of national symbols and patriotism to the right. On the Nationalist side, almost gave him the title of “national” tray. But the consequences were negative for the Republicans, not only in the long run, they have been to Spain. At present, there are some sites in Spain called “Spanish” a person is almost a threat or carry a flag of Spain has fascist connotations. The hoarding of Franco and his dictatorship of Spanish nationalism has worsened, even more, if possible, the old problem of the structure of Spain.
The Church
The civil war was soon baptized by the church as a “national crusade.” The bad relations between the Church and the left came from the nineteenth century, but in the twentieth century, problems became more acute. The 1931 Constitution and subsequent religious laws broke the Church’s relations with the leftist Republican authorities. But to these legal battles were joined by the repression that the masses, without much opposition from the authorities, carried out on the Church, especially during the Popular Front government and the civil war. In Republican territory, about 7,000 clergy were killed, and Catholic worship disappeared. The fires in the temples were at the mercy of extremists. These events were to cause the attitude of the Church in favor of the rebels, impacting very negatively on the image inside and outside of the Republic.
Republican Spain
Republican Spain was characterized by the opposite of the Nationalist side: versus concentration of power, fragmentation and political disputes; against order and military discipline, disorder and movement of assemblies; against union, division; against counterrevolution, revolution.
War and Revolution
The coup had two immediate effects: the appointment of Giral as head of government and the petition of labor parties and unions for weapons to combat the rebellion, which disappeared as the traditional army, as the vast majority of controls had gone over to the Nationalist side. The creation of armed militias continued the collectivization of the major means of production. It was not true that the Popular Front government would produce a social revolution; it did produce, especially through May 1937, in response to armed rebellion. Before the collapse of the normal mechanisms of public power, a new worker power emerged in the summer of 1936, which was both military, political, social, and economic.
The destruction of state power and the proliferation of local trade union authorities determined the immediate future of the revolution, war, and the Republic. Power was decentralized, atomization prevailed, and there was no central power to coordinate and send more. Giral found it impossible to create an army, a political leadership, and continued reverses in the war. He resigned and was replaced by Largo Caballero, a prominent trade unionist, political worker, and leader of the UGT.
Largo Caballero created a concentration government with ministers who were Socialists, Republicans, Communists, Nationalists, from the UGT, and from the CNT—a government in which all organizations and political parties loyal to the Republic faced a rebellion. It was a government program that gave priority to winning the war, parking the revolution, creating a regular army, militarizing the militias, nationalizing war industries, restoring government authority, centralizing economic activity, protecting small and medium land, containing social revolution, and a covenant of unity of action between parties and unions. Although his achievements were significant, especially in the reconstruction of the army with a single command and the return of all state powers, hostile circumstances remained. The CNT and the POUM were becoming compatible with the war and revolution, Nationalists ignored the decisions of the central government, the lack of weapons due to the closure of the French border was complete, and the African army advanced hopelessly. Thus, the government moved to Valencia, assuming Madrid was lost, but Madrid resisted, increasing the political weight of the Communists (due to their political and military role in the army and the importance of the Russian contribution). From here, the crisis began: the unions wanted a union government, without the presence of the parties, these backed down, against the backdrop of war or war-revolution. The crisis finally burst with the events of May in Barcelona. The CNT and the POUM took the telephone exchange against the orders of the Catalan government; the confrontation between the CNT, POUM, and Communists was armed—a civil war within the civil war. In the end, the government imposed itself. The events of May in Barcelona involved the collapse of Largo Caballero and the increasing power and influence of the Communists.
Return to the Popular Front
Another concentration government was formed, headed by the Socialist Negrín, with Prieto as Minister of Defense and in the absence of unions. Its purpose was to resist the war inside and win the war abroad. The work of the government was to give a strong impetus to the measures already initiated with Largo Caballero: building a regular army, centralizing powers, maintaining public order, and maintaining medium and small property. The most criticized policy of Negrín’s centralization was when the north fell; the Republic was smaller but more unified.
The fall of the Negrín government and the Republic was due to the failure of its policy objectives: defense inside to keep the war abroad and force international mediation. International mediation failed because of Franco’s refusal and the position of France and England in favor of non-intervention, which was confirmed at the Munich Conference in September 1938. Without success in foreign policy, in the internal war, the role fell to the Communists and the military, and their growing influence. Prieto and Azaña believed the war was lost, but the Communists and the military did not. In this situation, Prieto left the government, and the Ebro offensive proved to be another military debacle. The Communists were still trying to resist in the hope of bringing our war with the Second World War, but the military did not. Then there was the coup by General Casado, with Besteiro’s support, to negotiate the surrender. There was no negotiation, but there was a surrender. The war began with a coup and ended with another.
The Time of the Revolution
When the civil war broke out, the result of a failed coup but not defeated, many were reached when the workers’ revolution. They looked for similarities in the Russian Revolution and set out to reconcile war with the revolution. Led by the POUM, the CNT, and with some connivance of the radical wing of the PSOE in Largo Caballero, they devoted themselves to collectivizing factories, agricultural property, and all means of production. Republicans, led by parliamentary socialists like Indalecio Prieto, believed that this was a mistake and would lead to defeat in the war. Following the May events in Barcelona, their positions triumphed, and the war took priority.
Republican Disorganization
Republican disorganization contrasted with the order and military discipline of the Nationalist side. This disorganization was reflected in many fields, such as the national militia, which did not respond to any higher order; the atomization of power, where local authorities or historical nationalities ignored the signs from above; or confrontation within the same parties that made up the Republican bloc. Two clear examples of this were the civil war in Barcelona within a civil war during the events in May or the coup by General Casado with Besteiro’s support. The war had begun with a coup and ended with another.
The Red Terror
In both areas, there was a major crackdown in the area to be called. However, the killing of civilians, called *paseillos*, took a totally different character in one area and another. On the Republican side, these *paseillos* involved uncontrolled and radical groups outside the central government. The anger of these groups was directed in a particularly disorganized manner at members and possessions of the church, members of the financial and landowning oligarchy, and militants of the Falange, the JONS, CEDA, etc. Particularly shocking were the killings of clerics in Lérida or the killing of 12,000 political prisoners in Paracuellos del Jarama and Torrejón de Ardoz.
The Blue Terror
The internal repression that took place in the Nationalist zone was controlled by the army and had a military objective: to demoralize the enemy. In the territory of the revolt, political opponents, Masons, professors, teachers, and intellectuals and artists suspected or confessed to leftism were executed. As paradigmatic examples of this terror, we can mention the killing of 2,000 workers in the bullring of Badajoz or the murder of García Lorca. If we look with some objectivity at the two types of internal repression, we may come to the conclusion that the main victims of wars are often the innocent and intelligence.
Foreign Intervention
Countries that Helped the Republic
The country that helped the Republicans the most was Russia. Russia provided the necessary oil and arms (paid for with the gold reserves of the Bank of Spain). Soviet military advisers played a leading role in organizing the tactics of the war, as did their political advisers, who exercised their influence through the PCE. Andreu Nin was also killed. Mexico also collaborated with the Republic, but more as a testimonial.
The International Brigades provided great assistance in the form of combat units. They were composed of very ideological foreign volunteers from Europe and America.
Countries that Helped the Nationalists
The Nationalists were most favored by foreign aid. German support was the most important, both numerically and technically. The airlift and the Condor Legion stood out. Italian aid consisted of sending troops, but also weapons. Portugal also supported the rebels, especially with arms and oil entering through its border. Portuguese and foreign volunteers also collaborated with the Nationalists, as did the Irish. Moroccan troops also did, but in this case, they were mercenaries, much feared and famous.
Committee of Non-Intervention
France had much sympathy for the Republicans, but the English had it for the Nationalists, whom they saw as a force to stop the labor movement in Europe. In these circumstances, at the request of the two powers, the Committee on Non-Intervention was formed in order to prevent anyone from helping the two contenders and to prevent the war from becoming global. Another reason for the creation of this committee was the policy followed by France and England of appeasement of Hitler. This committee was unable to prevent the two sides from receiving help from abroad.