Causes and Development of the Spanish Revolution of 1868
Causes of the Spanish Revolution of 1868
The causes of the Revolution were a triple crisis: moral, political, and economic.
Moral Crisis
The parliamentary system was flawed because it was not the electorate who decided policy changes, but the clique acting on the queen. They managed the task of forming the government (the queen ordered the formation of the political government preferred), decreed the dissolution of Parliament, and called new elections, manipulating them to easily win. The elections were from the top: the parliamentary majority was made. Thus, the scheme was both depleted by corruption and by the moderate demeanor’s keeping power by force, scorning the parliamentary system. Governments had a moderately growing, more conservative-minded, authoritarian, illiberal, reactionary, and immobilist approach. In addition, there was also a great social insensitivity of the government against the claims of workers and peasants in Spain: failure to resolve the problems of the country, shutting out the necessary reforms, and political rights denied to most citizens who remained outside the system (due to censitary suffrage).
Political Crisis
The exhaustion was caused by the internal contradictions of the regime and increasingly reactionary and authoritarian moderates. The regime, missing a pillar of the opposition (progressives), was convicted of failure. Therefore, almost dictatorial attitudes evolved. Moreover, the men who had risen moderately in Spain were aging and dying: O’Donnell in 1867 (to be replaced by Serrano) and Narvaez in 1868. The government, succeeded by Gonzalez Bravo (April to September of 1868), was a dictator and took repressive measures toward military Unionists (Serrano, Dulce) and reduced the budget of the navy, with which some admirals were also dissatisfied (Topete). So, by the summer of 1868, the regime was completely isolated, both politically and socially. Only the sectors directly supported by his political benefit, such as the nobility of the Church, remained. The queen was ever more alone with her clique, isolated from the political class (especially after the death of Narvaez).
In opposition to the Elizabethan regime, political parties were excluded from any possibility of access to power by legal means. Those who joined the military and intellectuals were imbued with democratic ideas.
Three phases highlight the political crisis:
- Moderate/Progressive
- Escalation of antagonism. In August 1866, the opposition established a platform to end moderantism in power. The Ostend Pact (Belgium) was signed in the city by progressives and democrats in exile, which established the basis for preparing a revolutionary movement. They agreed to the dethronement of Isabella and the creation of a Constituent Assembly, elected by universal suffrage, which would decide the future definition of government: monarchy or republic. Thus, progressives and Democrats, due to the inability to achieve power by legal means, opted for a revolutionary movement to overthrow the queen.
- Accession of Unionists to the Ostend Pact in November 1867 after the death of O’Donnell. His successor as head of the Liberal Union, Serrano, who was less disposed to keep the throne in Elizabeth, would facilitate accession. The participation of general Unionists meant the military support needed, while less radical change was printed in the revolution. It was fundamental to its success.
Economic Crisis
It had a dual nature: a modern type of crisis (financial and industrial) and a crisis of livelihood or old type. The major European financial crisis of 1866 also affected Spain (connected as a European economy since the reforms of the biennium) and put an end to economic prosperity (1856-65). The fall in the value of the shares of railways dragged other bags, causing a stock market crisis, banking crisis, and railroad building crisis.
The railway network brought great investment in capital stock, but once the operation of the lines began, its economic performance was less than expected. The small Spanish industrial development was not enough for freight travel and had great demand, and the value of the shares was dysphonia. Investors demanded government subsidies, but it did not have funds and could not resort to borrowing because the contributions of public debt had sunk. The crisis led to many financial institutions charging up loans and spreading the alarm. Then railway investments were not profitable; once the construction period of major lines was over, its operation was lacking: withdrawal of foreign capital invested and paralysis of construction.
This financial crisis coincided with an industrial crisis, especially in Catalonia. The Civil War in the USA had interrupted their exports of cotton, and the price of this raw material had been raised (“cotton famine”). Many small cotton industries could not face the price hikes at a time when there was a contraction in demand as a result of the general economic crisis, especially the increase in agricultural prices caused by the crisis of survival. Some industries closed, unemployment rose, and the living standards of the working classes declined.
The subsistence crisis began in 1866, caused by a series of poor harvests that resulted in a price increase (between 1866-68, the price of bread in Madrid rose to 100%), hunger due to the shortage of maize (staple food of the population), increased mortality, and popular discontent. Agriculture was still very backward; their structures were archaic despite the desamortización.
The combination of both crises, agricultural and industrial, worsened the situation. In the countryside, hunger caused a climate of social violence. In the cities, the result was a wave of unemployment that reduced the standard of living of the working classes. The economic crisis was widespread and affected everyone, and it would be a good breeding ground for revolution. This economic crisis contributed social force to the political crisis. Social discontent nourished the leftist parties (Democrats and Republicans) because their programs provided for the “social issue”. The classes would have a big role in the revolution because they hoped it would bring great social changes that would improve their living conditions (abolition of fifths and consumption, land distribution, better working conditions, etc.).
The bourgeoisie was also detached from the regime: businessmen demanded action to save their investments in the stock market and industrial protectionist measures. Around 1868, most of the population had reason to revolt against the Elizabethan system: businessmen who saw the stock market sink demanded action from the government, defended a protectionist policy, and industrial workers and peasants denounced their misery and asked the government to do something fierce.
Conclusion
The Revolution of 1868 was the expression of a coincidence of interests among political progressives, unionists, and democrats, and the unpleasant face of an economic crisis that affected everyone. The unconditional support of the Queen to moderate her fate was tied to the end of moderantism and dragged it down. The prestige and unpopularity of the Queen were such that revolutionaries must make clear that the disappearance of Elizabeth II was essential for the renewal of Spanish political life and its economic modernization.
Development of “The Glorious Revolution”
The Uprising
The formula chosen to carry forward the revolution was the pronouncement of the fleet commanded by Brigadier Topete in the Bay of Cadiz on September 19, 1868. With the cry of “Long live Spain with honor,” a manifesto expounded the reasons for the uprising and called for citizens to take up arms to defend freedom, order, and honesty. General Prim (progressive), Dulce, and Serrano (Unionists) soon joined this statement to spread the rebellion. Rapidly, in many cities, Revolutionary Boards were formed spontaneously, who organized the rebellion and threw rebel appeals to the people. The movement spread to a three and almost nothing without encountering resistance. These boards transformed the pronunciation that began to spread like wildfire throughout the country: the revolution was strengthened through the action of the Boards.
The Board was made up of Democrats and some Republicans (born in 1868 in the Republican Party Federal Pi i Maragall). Similar slogans were everywhere: freedom, national sovereignty, universal suffrage, abolition of fifths and consumption, Constituent Assembly elections, division of property, or the proclamation of the republic. The radicalism of certain proposals of the Boards was not shared by unionists and progressive leaders, who had seen their goal accomplished by toppling the monarchy. The government and the Crown were completely isolated, as they were only supported by a small clique, but they defended the throne by force of arms. From Madrid, an army was sent to confront the insurgents, who regrouped in Andalusia, led by Serrano. Troops imposed on the few remaining troops loyal to the queen in the battle of Puente de Alcolea (Córdoba) on September 28. With this victory and facing a widespread uprising throughout the country, the government did not see any other output than to resign and leave the country toward the queen in exile in France on September 29, 1868 (accepted by Napoleon III). A new historical stage entered: the 1868-Six Democratic 1874.
During the first weeks, the effective power was in the hands of the Boards to organize the return to civilian life and the former national militia, now called the “Volunteers of Liberty,” integrated by urban popular classes. It became the instrument of defense of the revolution. Despite the multitude of boards, the Board of Madrid commissioned Serrano to form a Provisional Government. This decision was not welcomed by the rest of the Boards since the revolution meant putting it in the hands of those most conservative (progressive unionists) and the imposition of a monarchical solution. However, it soon became apparent that in the revolution of 1868, there were several revolutions and that Serrano (Unionist) and Prim (progressive) were to be imposed to stabilize it. For them, the ultimate aim of overthrowing the government had been achieved. When left outside, frustrated, were the revolutions of Democrats and Republicans, and especially of the masses. Thus, at the dawn of the revolution, there was a duality of powers: that of the Boards and the Provisional Government, which would be imposed.
Meaning
The Revolution of 1868 began as a military statement, but it was not just a statement because it did not appeal to the throne to cause a change of government but appealed to the nation and national sovereignty. This determined the character of the democratic revolution and the support of the middle and lower-middle classes. It was the first democratic experience since it gave the country the chance to govern itself. It meant the establishment of democratic liberalism based on sovereignty, universal suffrage, and a broad statement of rights and freedoms. It was the second major act of the mass of the nineteenth century; the role of the people was read in history. The democratic principles attracted working classes to the bourgeois political system. The people, as constituent power, could choose the political form of government: monarchy or republic. Unionists and progressives were in favor of the monarchy, but not outside Isabella, who I represented. There was a minority in favor of Democrats (cimbrios). While the rest of the Democrats and the Republicans were in favor of the republic. The more conservative line, the Prim-Serrano, a supporter of the monarchy, would be imposed. The rest remained outside. Popular participation had been essential to consolidate the revolution, but once in power, the bourgeoisie no longer needed it, rather the opposite. The classes saw their expectations of social reforms dashed. They were disappointed, depoliticized, and approached the labor movement (Internationalism). They knew that the liberal capitalist system could not match their needs.
Within the Revolution of 1868, there were several revolutions, and the most conservative would be imposed.
Final Evaluation of the Administration
The administration wanted to create a democratic state but failed because of the socio-economic structures of the country. The revolution remained virtually intact, not assenting to another form of government than doctrinaire liberalism. This gap between utopia and political instability explains the socioeconomic reality and the problems of the Six: Republican discontent, the American War (1868-78), social unrest in the country, the city clash with the Church, and more. The Glorious was the last time a bourgeois revolutionary movement was staged to try to replace the moderate regime of ’45 with another of a democratic character. You must wait until the Second Republic for another attempt to establish a democratic state. This time it was also frustrated by the outbreak of civil war and the subsequent Franco dictatorship.