The Spanish Restoration: Monarchy, Constitution, and Societal Shifts (1874-1931)

Posted on Dec 11, 2024 in History

The Spanish Restoration and the Constitution of 1876

“The Restoration” (1874, the restoration of Bourbon Alfonso XII as king, to 1923, the military coup of Primo de Rivera) was a period of great stability. The first phase (1875-1902) includes the reign of Alfonso XII and the regency of Maria Christina of Austria. The second, with Alfonso XIII on the throne, covering the years between 1902 and 1923. Spain, with a liberal and parliamentary system, is characterized by warlordism, electoral fraud, the growth of nationalism, the defeat in the war against the U.S. and the loss of the colonies, the thrust of the labor movement, the sharpening of social conflicts, the process of economic modernization, and the social hegemony of the landed aristocracy and the high bourgeoisie. The Revolutionary Sexennium left a negative image of chaos. Peace, stability, and order were desired. Democrats and leftists wanted a return to political pragmatism, social peace, and the prudent and gradual implementation of reforms to achieve collective progress and economic development. The most powerful wanted to restore the monarchy. Landholders and the bourgeoisie, fearful during the six years, claimed a government to ensure the safety of their properties. The Army considered that the Cantonalist situation had exceeded what was acceptable. The clergy felt threatened by the republican reforms. The very rich plantation owners in Cuba opposed any autonomy or anti-slavery reform in Cuba and moved against the Republic, funding Alfonso XII.

The Canova System and the Constitution of 1876

After the coup of Martínez Campos, Cánovas backed the government, took the king, and created the political system of the Restoration, modeled after the English system. The Monarchy was the institution that could guarantee the unity of Spain. A king, a symbol of progress and reconciliation between the Spanish, would govern, turning away the military controller to keep them away from politics. Cánovas argued against universal suffrage. The proletarians and internationalists were threatening social peace, private property, family, and Catholicism. He thought that limiting religious freedom would hinder the understanding with Democrats and leftists, but Catholicism could be an instrumental guarantor of the subordination of the working class. His pragmatism led him to practice a commitment to ideological opponents and always seek the agreement with the leftist parties. So, Cánovas proposed to build a monarchical political system, a liberal democracy, and not representative, to attain its objectives. Isabella II was forced to resign in favor of his son in 1870. Alfonso (17 years old) was a liberal, had no enemies, and wanted to become a king in the English style. Then he founded a new Conservative Party (formerly moderate). On the other side, he wanted to complete the pronouncements and military meddling in politics. He suggested that the Crown and the Courts share sovereignty and legislative power. Furthermore, only two political parties would take turns, by agreement, as head of government: the Conservative Party (Cánovas) and the Liberal Party (Sagasta). The stability of the system had to be ensured. All these were reflected in:

The Constitution of 1876

Affirmation of the principle of joint sovereignty by the Cortes with the King.
Bicameral Cortes: Congress of Deputies and Senate.
Courts could control government action and watched the vote of censure.
Expanding the powers of the king to appoint the head of government, veto the adoption of laws, appoint senators, dissolve the Cortes, grant pardons, and assume the supreme command of the Army.
The king reigned but did not rule, was subject to the Constitution, and government decisions were taken by the Council of Ministers.
Recognition of all rights and fundamental liberties, including political groups enemies of the regime.
Asserting religious freedom and recognition of Catholicism as the official religion.
Disappearance of universal suffrage.

Political Life Between 1875 and 1902

The manipulation of election results ensured that the turnismo would take effect. The king appointed a head of government who received the decree of dissolution of the Cortes, held elections, and “manufactured” the desired election results. The King instructed the government, alternatively, to one of the parties that took turns and shared power in a negotiated manner. Neither conservatives nor liberals were receptive to class actions or pressure groups because they did not need their votes or their support. Despite the rivalry, turnismo existed, as the opposition party was impatient to come to power.

The Reign of Alfonso XII (1875-1885)

Between 1875 and 1880, Cánovas took office to consolidate the new regime. He incorporated left-wing ministers and attracted disenchanted leaders of the Democratic Six-Year experience. He struggled to get the most illiberal ultramontane to be incorporated into his Conservative Party and to avoid another resurgence of Carlism. Thus, in 1881, he managed to integrate the Catholic Union, an extreme right-wing group that ended up accepting the Constitution of 1876. In any case, Cánovas did not limit press freedom and only condemned the anti-monarchical views. The newspapers were free to criticize any party or political leader. The actions undertaken by the Cánovas government were:

Military victory over the Carlists. Cabrera acknowledged (1875) Alfonso XII as the legitimate king.
Final abolition of the Basque and Navarrese charters in 1876, keeping the conciertos.
Pacification of Cuba. In 1875, the island was reinforced (25,000 soldiers under General Martinez Campos), and in 1878 put an end to the war through the “Peace of Zanjón.”
Changing the rules to introduce municipal government designation of Mayors in cities with over 30,000 inhabitants.
The establishment of a new customs tariff in 1877 against foreign competition.
The approval of a new electoral law (1878) to reintroduce restricted suffrage and limit voting rights to males over 25 years with income.

In February 1881, the time for games was launched. The Liberals pushed Cánovas, and the king himself, to supply them with access to power. Cánovas relented. Between 1881 and 1884, the Liberal government headed by Sagasta ordered the reinstatement of leftist professors who had been fired, prompted the establishment of the Commission of Social Reforms, and proceeded to a new conversion of debt to reduce the state deficit. During 1884 and 1885 the Conservatives returned to govern.

The Regency of Maria Christina of Austria and the Shift of Parties

The Regency of Maria Christina of Austria (1885-1902)

In November 1885, Alfonso XII died of tuberculosis. His widow, Maria Christina of Austria, was designated as queen regent until the coming of age of his future son, Alfonso XIII, born in 1886. Cánovas intended to build a political system that was monarchist, liberal, and not representative democracy. He wanted to complete the pronouncements and military meddling in politics. He suggested that the Crown and the Courts share sovereignty and legislative power. Furthermore, only two political parties would take turns, by agreement, as head of government: the Conservative Party (Canovas) and the Liberal Party (Sagasta). The stability of the system had to be ensured. Between 1885 and 1890, the Liberals, led by Sagasta, took back the government and adopted several important measures: censorship of the press was completely abolished, freedoms of expression and academia were expanded, a new law was enacted for full legalization of labor organizations and unions, and universal male suffrage for those over 25 years was restored in 1890. In the 1890s, the practice of Turno continued: Cánovas in 1890, Sagasta in 1892, Cánovas in 1895, Sagasta in 1897, Francisco Silvela (Conservative Party leader after the assassination of Cánovas in 1897) in 1899, and again the liberal Sagasta in 1901. The Cánovas system began to show signs of exhaustion because no government was able to solve the serious problems suffered by Spain: illiteracy, the deficit and state debt, maintenance of a discriminatory military recruiting system, the absence of effective social reform, and the absence of genuine democratic institutions as a result of the persistent turnismo and electoral fraud.

The Opposition to the Cánovas System

Alternatives to the Restoration regime were Carlism on the right-wing, democratic radicalism, and the Republicans. Also appeared and developed nationalist political movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country, also acting in opposition to the system.

Republicans

Republicans remained divided into different trends: the Posibilistas (Castelar), the Federal Party-Organic (Figueras), the Federal Party (Pi y Margall), the Democratic Party-Progressive (Ruiz Zorrilla), the Reform Party (Salmerón), and the Progressive Party (Canalejas, integrated into the Sagastino Liberal Party in 1884). Also, since 1900 new leaders emerged, such as Alejandro Lerroux and Vicente Blasco Ibáñez. This division weakened republicanism, already discredited by the experience of 1873. The Republican platform included anti-monarchism, federal systems, compulsory military service with no exceptions, state secularism, the union with Portugal, trial by jury, the eradication of warlordism, the effective democratization of the system, the limitation of working employment of workers, the establishment of public financial subsidies for the poor, the introduction of progressive taxation, and expropriation of lands that were uncultivated. Most Republicans accepted the ground rules of the political system, acted within the law, partially integrated into the restoration scheme for the electoral events attended, participated in parliamentary debates, and directed several state agencies such as the Social Reform Commission.

The Carlists

After the defeat of 1876, the Carlists entered a steep decline because of its diminishing social supports, the infighting between Carlist leaders, the loss of support of the Spanish clergy and the Vatican (1878, Leo XIII), and the gradual integration into the Cánovas’ party of numerous ultra-Catholics. Despite the abandonment of war activities, in the early twentieth century they initiated the formation of armed paramilitary militias. Thus, in 1902 in Madrid, the first battalions of Youth were created, which began receiving military training. Only a very small sector of Catholicism continued to oppose the most extreme of the Restoration system after admission, in 1881, of the Catholic Union to the Conservative Party.

Peripheral Nationalisms

Between 1830 and 1900, there was an explosion of nationalism in Europe. There was political unification of territories formerly separate or state division and separation of peoples. In Spain, nationalist movements spread through Catalonia and the Basque country and were defined by the excitement of belonging to the same community with the goal of an independent political entity. They leaned on the existence of differential cultural elements such as its own language, a peculiar historical background, a different culture, or a unique custom demonstrating their national uniqueness. The claims were presented in different ways, from the request for autonomy within the unit of Spain to the claim to full independence.

Catalan Nationalism

Catalan nationalism argued with the historical past because for over 600 years Catalonia had been an independent and sovereign nation, with its own language, laws, and government. However, until the mid-nineteenth century, the industrialization and urbanization process in Catalonia rekindled feelings of cultural and political differentiation with respect to other regions of Spain.

The moments that shaped the development of Catalan nationalism were:

The emergence of the Renaissance in the decade of the 1830s. This intellectual movement, centered on literature and apolitical, in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Barcelona, wanted the spread of Catalonia among people and the recovery of their cultural sign of national identity, especially the language.
The creation of the Center Català in 1882. The architect of this Catalan nationalist political organization, which claimed autonomy for Catalonia within the Spanish State, was Valentí Almirall.
Enric Prat de la Riba participated in the founding of the Unió Catalanista (1891). Its program, known as Bases de Manresa, demanded a comprehensive system of self-government for Catalonia within the Spanish monarchy and proposed a division of responsibilities between the central state power and regional autonomous power.
The formation of the Regionalist League party emerged in 1901. This followed an agreement between the moderate Catalan nationalists among several groups, including the Unió Catalanista, and prominently involved the most powerful Catalan employers’ organizations. The leader of the Liga team was composed of Francesc Cambó and Prat de la Riba himself. This new party was a bourgeois nationalist, Catholic, and was estranged from ultraconservative independence positions. The two primary objectives of the Lliga program were to sue for political autonomy for Catalonia and defend the economic interests of the four provinces, demanding greater protection for the Catalan industrial business activities. However, the proletariat never sympathized with the Catalanists.

In any case, the government repeatedly ignored Catalan requests, and the first members of the Liga were greeted with suspicion in the Cortes.

Basque Nationalism

The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) was founded in Bilbao in 1895 by Sabino Arana, who, like other nationalists, had a background in Carlist foralism and traditionalism. Two years earlier, Arana had founded the first Bizkaitarra associations against the sudden changes experienced by Bilbao society: a massive influx of immigrants and the rapid process of industrialization and modernization. Sabino Arana, who died in 1903 when he was only 38 years old, made the ideological foundations of the PNV:

Separation of Spain and the creation of an independent Basque state, comprising the three Basque provinces, Navarre, and the Basque-French territories of Labourd and Soule.
Aggressive radicalism and anti-Spanish sentiment.
Exaltation of Basque ethnicity, as a differential fact of citizenship of the Basque Country.
Ultra-Catholic integrism. The Aranista project postulated an almost theocratic Basque state.
Promotion of the Basque language and recovery of cultural traditions.
Apology of the traditional Basque countryside.

During the first decade of the twentieth century, the PNV found few social supports in the Basque population. Also, all the leading intellectuals and Basque artists, such as Miguel de Unamuno, Pío Baroja, Ramiro de Maeztu, Ignacio Zuloaga, José María Salaverría, and Manuel Bueno, rejected Aranista nationalism for its rural character, clerical, anti-modern, and separatist. Among the urban petty bourgeoisie and the rural areas of Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa, Arana’s nationalist message was better received, but not the same thing happened in Alava and Navarra.

Colonial War and the Crisis of 1898

In 1895 a new independence insurrection broke out in Cuba.

In 1893, Maura, the Foreign Minister, attempted an autonomous reform for Cuba to prevent further separatist uprisings. But the plan was greeted as unacceptable by both the Spaniards on the island and the pro-independence stalwarts.

There were three political groups: the Constitutional Union (Spanish party, anti-reformist, led by Spanish and Cuban landowners rich and influential in Madrid), the Cuban Autonomist Party (reformist, moderate, and conducive to safeguarding the unity with Spain), and the Cuban Revolutionary Party (separatist group founded in 1892 by José Martí).

The mambises (Cuban insurgents), hidden in the jungles, ambushed Spanish troops. The troops sent from the Peninsula were novices, ill-equipped and uneducated, and were decimated by tropical diseases. More than 200,000 soldiers were transported from Spain, and although there were only 5,000 killed in the fighting, there were nearly 60,000 sick.

The U.S. intervened in this conflict by providing equipment and arms to the Cuban guerrillas. The reasons for Americans to expel Spain from Cuba were economic and geostrategic (Panama Canal). President McKinley returned to the fray in 1896 to buy the island for $300 million, an operation that was rejected by the Spanish government. Following this frustrated purchase, McKinley finally decided to apply the law of the jungle.

Between 1896 and 1897, there were also separatist rebellions in the Philippines and Puerto Rico. A few years ago, two organizations were created in the Philippine archipelago for independence: the Katipunan (led by Andres Bonifacio, who was executed in 1896) and the Liga Filipina, led by José Rizal until his execution in 1896. The Spanish troops were able to completely suppress the rebellion in the archipelago in early 1897. In Puerto Rico (800,000 inhabitants), the main party was the Unconditional Spanish Party, which was directed from 1875 by Paul Ubarri. The activity of the insurrectionary movement in Puerto Rico was minimal.

McKinley sent the Maine to Cuba (February 1898) to protect American interests on the island. Anchored in the bay of Havana, the Maine exploded and sank. The U.S. government accused, without evidence, the Spanish and sent an ultimatum threatening a declaration of war if our army did not leave the island immediately.

Spanish politicians were aware that a war against the United States was nonsense and that defeat was certain. The Spanish demonstrated that a negotiated settlement was tantamount to treason. The army threatened the government, refusing to withdraw from Cuba so dishonorably. The government refused to address the unpopularity and preferred to go to war with the U.S.

The war was a cakewalk for the U.S. On May 1 in Cavite, in the waters of Manila Bay, the superiority of the U.S. Navy was demonstrated, which wrecked the Spanish ships in less than an hour. The second defeat was consummated on July 3 in the bay of Santiago de Cuba. During the war, U.S. troops conquered Puerto Rico and the Philippines, whose control was also very desired by the Americans.

In December 1898, a peace treaty was signed in Paris. Spain ceded to the U.S. the island of Puerto Rico, the Philippines archipelago (independent in 1946), and the island of Guam. On the other hand, Cuba achieved independence in 1902 but, under “protection” of the U.S. until the mid-twentieth century.

The arrival in Spain of the news of the Battle of Cavite sparked violent riots demanding responsibilities and produced nearly a coup led by General Camilo Polavieja. The strengthening of nationalist movements in Catalonia and the Basque country, the advance of the Republican parties, the acceleration of the institutional crisis of the Restoration regime, loss of credibility of political leaders to public opinion, the expansion of anti-clericalism, and increasing the prestige of our military were other effects of the disaster of ’98.

The Spanish people lived through the defeat as a collective trauma; the fantasy of the past greatness of the Spanish nation plunged and gave way to feelings of inferiority and powerlessness. The colonial disaster influenced the development of regenerationism and promoted the bitter and pessimistic thoughts of the so-called Generation of ’98.

Spain lost all its colonies at a time when colonial expansion was widespread. In addition, our government rushed to liquidate the last remnants of our overseas empire with the sale of the islands of the Marianas, the Carolines, and Palau to the government of Germany, who also managed to take advantage of Spanish weakness.

Economic Change

Secularization and Agrarian Change

The Rural World

In the Regency of María Cristina (1835-1837), the progressives, in the process of dismantling the Old Regime, launched a liberal land reform: the dissolution of the manor (not the lordly jurisdiction), the new relationship will be between owners and laborers or tenants; decoupling, which entails the disappearance of entailment, the land can be bought or sold; and dismemberment, as a means to overcome the debts of the Treasury, while achieving land reform. Another measure was the abolition of the privileges of the Mesta.

The abolition of the seigneurial regime freed the peasants from paying rent, but ownership of land barely changed. This decoupling allowed an important market to appear, and new types of owners. But the peasants did not become owners. The sale of religious (Mendizábal) and general (Madoz) properties should have served for those farmers to buy plots. The reality was that those who had resources bought land, especially the bourgeois who were more interested in land ownership than in their holdings. The goal of redistributing property among peasants and laborers had failed. Some of the investors had wanted to make a profit by farming and getting their crops to market. Production increased, but not by developing new techniques and crops, but by the simple extension of cultivated land.

Cereals expanded especially, followed by vines, potatoes, and corn. Sheep dropped, and swine expanded. But there was no technical progress, and yields, although increased, were low. While the lack of technical innovation, the slow increase in production was partly due to the physical conditions and in large part to the system of land ownership, highly contrasted between smallholders and estates.

The Beginning of Industrialization

Spain underwent a slow economic transformation, modernization, and industrialization, the signs of which were steam, coal, machinery, factories, and railroads. The various governments, from 1833 to 1874, liberalized the productive sectors and facilitated the entry of foreign capital. The growth of production and consumption led to the creation of enterprises of all kinds.

The industry is concentrated in Barcelona (textiles) and in Bilbao, Oviedo-Gijón, and Malaga (iron and steel). Industrial development was limited to these areas due to its easy accessibility by sea and its proximity to Europe’s most economically advanced countries.

The Catalan textile industry mechanized processes. By 1860, half of the inhabitants of Barcelona lived in industrial activities. The factory owners created the first Catalan employers’ associations in the country in 1847 (Board of Factories) and 1869 (National Economic Development Agency). In the steel industry, new production techniques were imposed, forging and rolling through the blast furnace smelting. However, the industrialization process was uneven, and almost the entire peninsula was completely de-industrialized.

Mining intensified. The subsoil continues to be considered national treasures, but the mines became controlled by foreign companies (Rothschild).

The addition of Spain to the industrial revolution and economic modernization was late and unbalanced (regional and by sector). The obstacles that slowed the process were continuous wars, the loss of the American territories, political instability, revolutionary conflicts, shortages of coal, lack of raw materials, poor communication network, technological backwardness, lack of domestic capital, energy dependence, insufficient market, the commitment of the industrial groups to tariff protection, lack of business culture, and the high rate of illiteracy and professional preparation.

Infrastructure

The railroad transformed land transport in Spain. It completely changed communications by reducing costs and speeding up the movement of people and goods. In addition, for the construction of rails, locomotives, and wagons, it was necessary to increase production, extract enormous quantities of coal, employ thousands of workers, and invest large sums of money. The expansion of the railroad benefited the steel industry, mining, and trade.

The first Spanish railway was Barcelona-Mataró (1848), the second joined Madrid-Aranjuez (1851). In 1855 the Railway Act was enacted, which favored the pace of construction, reaching 5,100 km of roads built by 1866. The delineation completed a national radio network with Madrid at the center, choosing a gauge different from the European one. The construction of the lines was done through concessions to private companies. By law, the state gave the building at auction each line to the company that accepted the lowest amount in respect of public financial subsidy, and in 99 years the lines would become state property. This method led to the use of inferior materials, and the result was the achievement of poor road infrastructure, which constantly broke down and made substantial expenditures on repairs needed. Moreover, the high costs of financing of works made major railroad companies were licensees of foreign capital. The Spanish steel industry was relatively favored only because much of the material (engines, axles, screws, plates, beams, locomotives, wagons) was imported. It was not until 1884 that a Catalan company built the first locomotive manufactured completely in Spain.

The expansion of cities and the increasing number of people required the introduction of new means of transport. In 1871 the first trams were inaugurated in Barcelona and Madrid. The first tramway line in Madrid joined the Salamanca district with the Puerta del Sol.

The electric telegraph, invented in 1837, came to our country to completely change communications. The first electric telegraph line laced Madrid with Irun in 1855. In 1865 it had 11,000 km, which connected all major cities.

Spanish Economy in the First Third of the Twentieth Century

Spain in the early twentieth century is a poor, backward country, slowly experiencing changes that bring the second industrial revolution. Cities grow, and the field remains alien to the changes. The difference between the ruling classes and the working class and peasantry is accentuated. Next to economic growth survive structural problems that impede the country’s modernization.

In 1900 Spain has 66% of farmers. Agricultural production is insufficient, and it is necessary to import wheat to ensure food. There was an excess of labor, wages were low, and the application of new techniques was not required. Productivity rates were very low. The property is characterized by large landholdings in the South and smallholdings in the North. The protectionist policy benefited large landowners, who could keep prices high. The result was to keep the peasantry in miserable conditions. Therefore, the protests, peasant uprisings, and strikes were increasing, especially after 1903, the year of crop failure.

In the secondary sector, the mining and steel industries received a boost, as did new sectors. But there were still deficient conditions that prevented a real industrial revolution.

An important development was the emergence of the electricity industry. At first, the companies were foreign capital, later Basque capital promoted them. The power generation technology enabled the transformation of metallurgy and the rise of the cement, paper, and chemical industries. The textile and rail sectors were less buoyant.

Industrial activity is concentrated in the Basque Country and Catalonia, and small groups in other cities of the periphery. There was a large concentration by a few companies, producing and monopolizing their respective sectors. Although Basque metallurgy and the Catalan textile sector were in the hands of the local bourgeoisie, the other sectors depended on foreign capital (chemical, electrical, and utilities). It is also dependent on the outside to obtain raw materials, machinery, and equipment. The picture is completed by the fact that the industry was not competitive. Industrialists formed associations to lobby the government, demanding protectionist measures (Tariff Act 1906; and Protection Act and Maritime Communications Industries, 1909).

The outbreak of World War I meant for the Spanish economy a decisive breaking point with the past. The years of conflict produced tremendous growth in production, exports, and corporate profits. In many areas, there was a technical upgrading, and production figures were unthinkable a few years before. But the Great War had also brought negative consequences. The return of emigrants increased unemployment, while speculation and the export of raw materials and basic needs shot up inflation, so that prices doubled between 1914 and 1918. The higher prices did plummet the purchasing power of peasants and workers. Since 1917, moreover, the unemployment figures rose dramatically.

World War I left economic improvements for the future. The steel and chemical industries were modernized, others became national when foreign capital withdrew, as happened with the railroads or mining, and the Spanish bank became the source of funding, a trend that characterized the twentieth century. The sectors that took years to modernize, such as the military, textile, agriculture, or mining, suffered from depression during the years 1918-1923. The end of the war caused a sharp contraction in orders and falling output, low wages, closing factories, mines, and shipping, and unemployment. Since the general strike of 1917, it entered a phase of acute confrontation of classes, with very radical positions, growth of organized labor, and large-scale strikes. The environment of economic depression acted as a backdrop to the political crisis that led to the 1923 coup.

Since 1924, a five-year period of economic euphoria began. The recovery of world trade and investment generated economic stabilization. Production recovered in industrial sectors and to a lesser degree in agriculture. Employment stability and sustaining wages explain the low conflict of the period.

The dictatorship used this climate to carry out a protectionist and interventionist economic policy, geared towards the interests of landowners and industry. Since 1926, it embarked on an ambitious infrastructure investment plan, including the first road plan and the creation of the Hydrographic Confederations. It also injected money to reorganize the rail network and began the nationalization of the lines. It also formed, under the patronage of the state, the oil monopoly (CAMPSA) and the Telephone Company.

All this investment effort and economic growth tried to organize and run it by creating the National Economic Council. However, the enormous costs of this policy produced a rise in public debt. Calvo Sotelo’s attempts to combat tax evasion failed before the opposition of the oligarchy.

The dictatorship had no time to suffer the consequences of the 1929 crash. Taken together, the balance of the dictatorship was ambiguous. It is true that the public works undertaken were important for the future, but at a high price, debt, a problem inherited by republican governments, which limited its ability to act in full recession.

Social Change

Demographic Changes

The approximate number of inhabitants by 1800 was 11,500,000, while the estimated 1877 census was 16,634,000. The population density remained low (30 inhabitants/km²). Population growth was maintained by decreasing the mortality rate due to improved nutrition, economic progress, and advances in health care (although the cholera epidemics of 1833, 1854, and 1859 killed 350,000 people). The approximate average rates of mortality and birth rates for the period were, respectively, 30 and 37 per thousand.

In 1865, 80% of the Spanish lived in rural villages. Urbanization levels were low, but the major cities grew steadily, had to remove the walled enclosures, and make the widenings. In 1853, Madrid had 236,000 inhabitants and Barcelona 215,000.

Internal migration to urban areas increased due to overcrowding and improving land transport. The emigration of the young population, especially toward Cuba, mostly affected certain regions such as Galicia, Asturias, and Cantabria.

The structure of the active population by economic sectors in 1860 was as follows: primary sector (65%), industry (15%), and tertiary (20%).

It went from 18.6 million in 1900 to 23.5 in 1930. Growth was slow until 1922 and then accelerated as a result of greater stability. The falling birth rate was small, but the mortality rate was quite pronounced. The causes are in better health and sanitation. Infant mortality rates were soaring, and infectious diseases remained catastrophic. The so-called Spanish flu killed 230,000 people.

Because of low population growth, there was migration. Between 1900 and 1914, over 1,400,000 Spanish emigrated, with a preferred destination for Latin America.

The process of urban growth continued and stressed the trajectory of the previous century. Cities like Bilbao, Zaragoza, Valladolid, Murcia, Granada, Seville, and Valencia are now experiencing sprawl processes that Barcelona and Madrid had already suffered.

Social Transformations

Throughout the nineteenth century there emerged the ‘class society’. The new division into social classes was based on differences in wealth, and social mobility increased. In practice, inequality increased and the contrast between the rich few that accumulated income and property, and a huge mass of poor people working for a small salary. The new class society was also characterized by the emergence of the urban industrial proletariat, the numerical decrease and the declining importance of the lower gentry, clergy, and craft activities, and the social ascent of the bourgeoisie. The dominant minorities, powerful by their wealth, political influence, and prestige, were formed by a merger of the old landed aristocracy, the new bourgeoisie, the army commanders, and members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.

The rich burghers came to link with the aristocracy of blood, looking for titles. The military leaders also sought ennoblement as a reward for their services. Isabella II created nearly 500 new titles. As the possession of large landed estates was seen as a measure of prestige, the high bourgeoisie began purchasing land in massive parcels, guaranteed by disentailment.

Beneath these social groups were the urban middle classes, a very heterogeneous group. Public employees endured a situation of great insecurity in their jobs and were dependent on changes of rulers (layoffs). In urban areas also lived industrial workers, domestic servants, and a crowd of beggars and vagrants.

The peasantry remained the largest population group, as agricultural activities predominated. Tools and techniques were rudimentary. Poor harvests caused shortages, and price increases spread hunger. Most farmers still clung to traditional lifestyles and were suspicious of modern developments.

The strength of the clergy declined with the rise to power of the Liberals and the adoption of laws of disentailment and the elimination of tithing. The church lost the foundation of their economic power, and their social influence receded, as the number of followers decreased, especially among industrial workers. Nevertheless, the Church remained an important institution, with the ability to influence the population. It controlled education and continued to administer most beneficial assistance centers for the poor. In any case, the clergy had an openly hostile attitude against all modern ideas.

The Origins of the Spanish Labor Movement

The constitution of the Spanish labor movement continued throughout the nineteenth century and was characterized by the appearance of the first workers

‘ associations, the persistence of Luddism, the increase in industrial disputes, by the beginning of the strikes, the opening workerists newspaper and the government crackdown on organized action of workers.

In 1839 the government approved a decree recognizing the right of industrial workers-create-only “mutual” or “mutual aid societies. Its funds were made up of contributions of money made periodically by the worker members.

Since the ’40s, tensions between employers and workers increased, and that employers could freely dismiss their employees and workers lacked the right to form unions. Gradually emerging new mutuals workers, who focused their objectives in preventing the fall in wages and in achieving full legal right of association to defend the economic interests of workers.

During the nineteenth century the collective break from work was considered a crime. The first general strikes took place in 1854 and 1855 in Catalonia. También se produjeron revueltas espontáneas de carácter ludita, como demostración del malestar de los obreros, consideraban que las nuevas tecnologías provocaban la pérdida de puestos de trabajo y la reducción de los salarios.

The first workers’ newspaper called “The Echo of the working class” and was published in Madrid in 1855. In 1865 more than 40 workers’ associations met in Congress in Barcelona. Since 1868 the expansion of the labor movement in Spain was strong as a result of the creation of the AIT and the constitutional recognition of full freedom of association.

In 1869 he created the Spanish Section of the IWA, which in 1873 reached over 60,000 members and within the prevailing trend anarchist Bakunin, which spread among the day laborers and industrial workers in Andalusia and Valencian Catalan. Internationalism Madrid-Pablo Iglesias-preferred abetting Marxist ideas, and some years later (1879) founded the PSOE.

As in many other European countries, the AIT was outlawed in 1874 and Spanish internationals were repressed and were forced to go underground.

In the first third of the increase much the worker and his ability to mobilize. Since 1902, the conflicts escalated. While the anarchist unions chose to strike as a regular form of fighting, the Socialists chose to convene as a last resort. Both won in convening power, as manifested in the strikes of 1909 and 1917. Attempts to organize unions free Catholics, beyond the control of the Church, failed.

Between 1921 witnessed 1918y years very virulent class struggle. The immediate recession at the end of World War caused a radical confrontation between employers associations and trade unions. These were years marked in Barcelona and other cities by clashes between gunmen of the employers and the most radical sectors of anarchism. The numerous murders eventually weaken the unions, especially in the CNT.

The PSOE, which in 1918 got 6 seats, experienced an internal crisis and division over the choice of joining or not the communist movement. In 1917 the revolution had triumphed in Russia, who in 1919 organized the Third International, which called on the socialist parties from around the world. In the PSOE bases are divided between supporters of continuing attached to the Socialist International, and llamadosterceristas, who left the PSOE, in November 1921 and founded the Communist Party of Spain.

During the dictatorship, the labor movement was dormant. The years of strikes, life improvement from 1921, and the struggle between syndicalists and gunmen had disarmed the unions. Anarchism was divided between supporters of the peaceful struggle and armed insurrection, the latter founded clandestinely in 1927, the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI). The PCE, despite continuously increasing its membership, was not yet strong enough, in 1930, as to disturb the ruling classes.

CULTURAL CHANGE 13.3. Change mentalities. EDUCATION AND THE PRESS.

In the transit of the nineteenth and twentieth progress was made on economic modernization, social, political, demographic and cultural development of Spain. The development and economic changes were evident between 1874 and 1914, Spanish per capita income grew by 60% and both the industry and the railway expansion continued apace.

From a political standpoint, it extended the right to vote with the recognition of universal suffrage and consolidated the free exercise of individual freedoms.

The rise of the middle classes and the expansion of cities-Madrid topped 500,000 and the population of Bilbao rose from 30,000 to 85,000-were signs of social dynamism in “Restoration.” It increased the intensity of the mobilization of citizens, which began banding together to achieve their collective claims through the creation and participation in labor unions, employers ‘associations, feminists, farmers’ leagues, chambers of retailers, sports clubs and recreational or cultural organizations.

Also increased secularization of Spanish society, decreased mortality, increased life expectancy of the population, accelerated migration from rural to urban areas and achieved health improvements. Thus the number of Spanish increased by 2 million over the last quarter of the nineteenth century, although the cholera epidemic of 1885 led to 125,000 dead.

The disaster of 98, developed a pessimistic sentiment, which came from the military defeat and international prestige, the inability to find solutions, the lack of credibility in institutions. The regeneration and the generation of ’98 saw the need to review the past and develop a new future, it was necessary to modernize and Europeanized Spain.

The modernization process introduced imbalances, failures and delays to other countries. The failures were evident from the educational standpoint. In 1900, 65% of the Spanish were illiterate and, on the same date, the money spent on public education by the Spanish State was less than paid for the same purpose by the city council of Paris. Then, 35% of Spanish children studying in Catholic schools and the annual state financial subsidy for the clergy was five times higher than the educational expenses of the Spanish State (and equivalent to the total investments in public works). It was necessary to wait until 1901 to decide Romanones include payments of salaries to school teachers in the state budget so that expenditure on education rose from 1% to 4% of annual government budget. At the end of the century alone there were 18,000 university students in Spain and less than 30,000 in secondary schools.

By 1930 there was a clear distinction between agricultural areas and cities. Among the Spanish peasantry illiteracy, the hard work and hunger collide with leisure and cultural concerns. The isolation remains. The power lines reach only medium nuclei, and only in some cafes in provincial towns there is sometimes a telephone or radio.

Very different is the life of the capital. In 1930, Madrid and Barcelona are around one million inhabitants, and eight other cities exceed los100.000: Valencia, Sevilla, Malaga, Zaragoza, Bilbao, Murcia, Granada and Cordoba.The growth was due to industrial development, with the appearance of neighborhoods without living conditions, and towards urban development. The population increase is simultaneous to the dissemination of information, the multiplication of means of transport, the increased pace of life and so on. Appear electric trams. Primeraslíneas are opened subway. It extends electrification. At the end of 1920 there were already many houses in large cities had running water, but few had a modern bathroom. Other inventions most widespread: typewriters, sewing machines, aparecentambién the cooler, mattress springs, etc.. The phone becomes widely distributed. The other great invention of the century, the automobile, had a very limited impact. More rapid was the spread of trucking companies that used vehicles more than twenty seats. In 1904 was founded in Barcelona “Hispano-Suiza. The years of World War production cheaper and multiplied the number of cars.

Another innovation that revolutionized the lives of the Spanish, the TV, its low price made it a favorite distractions of the urban middle and working classes, and soon, thanks to the news, in half of additional information. The advent of talkies in 1928, would ultimately devote his success. Also proliferate in modern media and magazines.

The radio came later. The first station was opened in Barcelona Spanish in 1924. News began to arrive and, as in añostreinta, rallies, concerts and so on.

The so-called Roaring Twenties were for one part of society, but brought some significant changes that affected the mentality and habits of all Spanish.

A small number of women made way for the future: and in 1910 received free access to the University in 1924 granted the Dictatorship elvoto in municipal elections to women over 23 years to be independent, and during the twenties emerged magazines associations and clubs of women who began to spread the feminist ideology.

In the second half of the nineteenth century and during the first three decades of the twentieth century extended the Krausismo. Among the followers of this intellectual current was Francisco Giner de los Ríos, Manuel Bartolome Cossio. They were a minority group that shared values: the primacy of reason, defense of freedom of conscience, the worship of modern experimental science, tolerance, liberalism, moral austerity, the importance of discipline and adherence to the individual duty, the optimism in human nature, opposition to clerical influence and a spirituality of mystical-pantheistic. They believed in social harmony, the incorporation of women to education, defense of the Europeanization of the country, the need to reform the customs of the Spanish and enthusiastic confidence in educational and pedagogical. Some of the initiatives of the within the Krausism were the creation in 1876 of the Free Institution of Education, the Board for the Extension of Studies and Scientific Research (1907), the Center for Historical Studies (1910) and the Residencia de Estudiantes, which was founded in 1910 with the intention to improve the education of a select minority of bright students.

By 1875, began the introduction of scientistic positivism and materialism in some minority intellectual circles. The reception of evolutionary theories also occurred in these years. Darwin in 1877 was appointed honorary professor at the Free Institution of Education, an institution that took care to study and disseminate the main ideas.

OVERVIEW 14.1.A the reign of Alfonso XIII. Attempts at modernization. THE REGENERATION. BANKRUPTCY CRISIS AND RESTORATION SYSTEM. THE WAR OF MOROCCO.

In 1902, Alfonso XIII took the crown, d uring his reign man had the system Canovas, the shift of political parties and the 1876 Constitution. But the political system Zó eat deterioration. Between 1902 and 1923 occurred 32 governments are different. The two parties were affected by facing internal procedures following the assassination of Canovas in 1897 and died in 1903 Sagasta. Alfonso XIII as Head of State exceeded its functions and interfered in the affairs reserves two

Other factors affecting the crisis of the regime were: The persistence of chieftaincy, electoral fraud and administrative corruption, and l increase in social unrest and labor unrest, terrorism anarchist opposition, the threat of a proletarian revolution; distrust in the ability of the rulers, the revival of military intervention in poli tica; l Army defeats as colonial expansion in Morocco.

After the crisis of ’98, the political system was branded by Regenerationists of corrupt and inefficient. The Regenerationists demanded reforms and were obsessed with reporting the problems: illiteracy, poverty, economic backwardness, the bankruptcy of the state, chieftaincy, electoral fraud, lack of genuine democratic institutions, centralism, militarism and the inability to retain our colonial territories. Among the critics is remarkable Joaquin Costa.

Opposition groups claimed to break the system and democratic institutions turnismo. They include: the Republicans, (Radical Republican party, created by Lerroux (1908) and reformist party) Carlists, which broke away from “the traditional parties,” and created the Requete; The Lliga led the political life of Catalan nationalists. In 1918 he thwarted a bill of statute of autonomy for Catalonia. After 1917 the Catalans decided to postpone their demands for autonomy darprioridad economic interests of bourgeois conservatism., Basque nationalists, died Sabino Arana, in the PNV two trends emerged: the moderate nationalists and radical separatists. The two factions were reunited in 1930 and left the PNV reli gious fundamentalism and accepted political democracy and social reformism.; MOVEMENT ini tiative emerged ANDALUCISTA de Blas Infante, autonomous program that advocated a federal proletarian opposition. The anarchist movement in 1910 created the Work ers Nacionalde Confederation (CNT). Marxists experienced an expansion of association with the UGT and the PSOE had his first deputy in 1910. The PSOE was convinced r epu that the Republic would be the instrument for the organization of the proletariat, reforzamiento the match and progress towards the socialist revolution.

THE policy review:

After 98 matches turnistas were aware of the need for changes in the system, should revitalize the liberal institutions and even regret, and vitar revolutionary upheavals and social problems and stop republicanism. However, the leaders were afraid to break the system stability , and dared not break with the patronage and electoral fraud quickly.

The first project led by Francisco Silvela revisionist attempt was in 1902 and 1903 (regency of Maria Cristina). Silvela fought adminis trative corruption, electoral fraud and chieftaincy. L as divisions within the Conservative Party made him resign.

The Conservative leader Antonio Maura raised the most comprehensive revision of all. His proposals were based on the program Silvela. In 1903, Maura agreed to the premiership. In twelve months, started preparations to ensure security of tenure of officials, and pushed the law of Sabbath. This measure was opposed by Liberal Party members and employers. D uring his government betweenMaura 1907 and 1909 undertook another set of measures: amending the electoral law establishing the National Institute of Welfare, establishment of Councils of Conciliation and Arbitration; reorganization of the Police Force; partial suppression of consumption tax, increased protectionism, recognition legal right to strike. Maura submitted projects to improve the adminis tration of justice, the establishment of a mo minimum wage for workers, housing bara tas, conscription, the reconstruction of the navy The trans formation of the municipal administration, implementation of land reform, and alignment with the nationalists.

However this project mista reforms ended in failure. T framework was too ingrained cacique, Maura also does not have sufficient time to implement their plans, it lacked the support of Alfonso XIII, and met strong resistance in the entire opposition. But the most compelling factor was the performance of Mau ra during the events of the Tragic Week, their decisions before the chemical marro problem, the use of excessive repression to stop the riots.

The following agenda was reformist Canalejas libe ral Joseph (1910 and 1912) with the confidence of Alfonso XIII. Anticlericalism, state intervention to solve social problems and democratization were the three basic principles of his proposal. Canalejas restricted the establishment of new orders, intended to expand public action on social issues, eliminated the consumption tax, a reform designed of land ownership and introducedtar compulsory military service. T he work of Canalejas was frustrated by his assassination in November 1912.

U n program of welfare reform became the focus of conservative Eduardo Dato, while intended alvaguardar s order, to avoid social conflicts and stop the movement. To prove a law of accidents, this measure prompted a strong protest business. P romovió social measures such as the review of housing rents, reducing the workday to 8 hours and ma pension systems for the elderly and made binding. However, Dato did not believe in political renewal of the system and did not try to end the patronage and electoral manipulations to further democratization of the regime.

In 1919 the liberal or conservative Alba Sánchez de Toca raised to reform the state but all these projects were forgotten to cau sa of the constant changes in office and the rapidly deteriorating political and social situation of the country during those years .

THE CRISIS OF 1909 AND 1917

The system received two blows that threaten their continuity Hici Rum. These moments for the supervision of the scheme were vival SemanaTrágica Barcelona (1909) and the crisis of 1917.

The Tragic Week of 1909

The crowd that had MEETING do, in the port of Barcelona, to fire on board for Morocco soldiers began to protest. Police dispersed the crowd with violence, and demonstrations were moved to the city. A narquistas, socialists and lies they called a general strike. The protest got out of leaderless, rose barri cated, urban life is to warp, there was looting and communications cut, were burned over 50 monasteries and churches. T he bourgeois and middle classes lived panicky days locked in their homes .

Mau ra declared a state of war and sent the army, who came to use artillery to put down the insurrection. M urieron 104 civilians and 9 members of the security forces.

The consequences of the Tragic Week were: l to harsh government repression, out of 2000 arrests, 59 were sentenced to life imprisonment and 5 set. The unjust execution of Ferrer drew strong international protests, the Conservative government fell Maura, who lost the support of the king; The November 1909 agreement between Republicans and Socialists to start a collaboration electoral portion and acting against the monarchy of the Restoration.

The crisis of 1917

Three problems led to a crisis that nearly cause the abdication of Alfonso XIII, military unrest, protest of the political opposition and subversion working.

a) The officers of the Army is strained by showing their low wages and favoritism in awarding promotions. To pressure the government and defend their claims, created the so-called Defense military juntas. T he government was obliged to yield to the dictates of the officers. E sto demonstrated the weakness of the political system and lack of government authority, which until 1922 did not dare to dissolve the military juntas of Defense.

b) In July 1917, before the suspension of constitutional guarantees and the failure of government to convene the beginning of the sessions of parliament, a group of seventy deputies and senators of marginalized groups rum system turnista decided to meet in Barcelona to create a Pair Assembly parliamentarians. Catalan nationalists, republicans and socialists challenged the government to force the renewal of the scheme. The most important demands were constitutional reform to democratize the system tional issue, and political autonomy for Catalonia, extend to all regions. EstaAsamblea was dissolved without violence and Lliga wool tasting terms agreed with the government for fear that the situation got out of control and favor ing the triumph of proletarian revolution.

c) inf lation, rural poverty, inadequate wages and unemployment intensifiedconflicts. The des happy was channeled by the CNT and the UGT. The two organizations signed an alliance in 1916 and called a general strike that began in August 1917. Paralyzed factories, banks and kiosks were closed, shops were looted, the streets were filled with revolutionary proclamations, declared a state government andthe war. Finally, this labor protest failed because the union failed to mobilize field workers. The death toll was 72 dead, over 2,000 arrests and the top leaders of the strikers PSOE and UGT were sentenced to life imprisonment and jailed, but were granted amnesty by the government in 1918.

Moroccan War

Spanish intervention in northern Africa was a result of British and French interests in the area (Strait of Gibraltar and Algeria). Both powers reserved to Spain an area north of Morocco. Spanish government was interested in ensuring the security of Ceuta and Melilla, and some interest in the exploitation of mining resources. Morocco became the military for a chance to compensate for the humiliating defeat of 98. In the Franco-Spanish treaty of 1912 was held allocation. The portion of Morocco was awarded to Spain mont years and was inhabited by independent tribes and very different

The military occupation of the territory was slow. In 1909 the Moroccan workers attacked a railway line to connect Melilla iron deposits of Beni-bu-Ifrur. The Spanish troops were deployed to protect the railway works, but were defeated at Mount Gurugu and in the Barranco del Lobo, where they suffered 1,000 casualties. The impact of these events in Spain ended in the Tragic Week in Barcelona.

B etween 1912 and 1921 there was no ability to control the north of Morocco. T he possessed enclaves Spain (Melilla and Ceuta and Larache) were isolated from each other and needed to connect them.

In 1920 he created the Legion, which consisted of Spanish soldiers and volunteers indigenous NAIRES merce. The founders of this new body were Millán Astray and Franco.

In 1921, the colonial army was derr Annual-graph in 120 kilometers from Melilla-by by Abd-el-Krim. M urie rum 12,000 soldiers, the enemy seized 14,000 rifles, 1,000 machine guns and 115 guns. He missed much of the territories conquered during the previous twelve years and came to threaten the city of Melilla.

Annual was a new colonial frustration for Spain. We conducted an investigation to clarify responsibilities in the disaster and were prosecuted for negligence 39 officers, including General Damaso Berenguer. The military felt misunderstood and accused politicians of denying the military the resources to win the war. The Annual debacle had a major impact on Spanish politics, the defeat became a justification of General Primo de Rivera for his coup d’etat in 1923. Morocco campaigns strengthened the undemocratic and anti-liberal ideas, the preference for authoritarian political solutions and hiperpatriotismo among most of the officers who fought there (Franco, Sanjurjo, Mola. Goded, Cabanellas, Yagüe, Munoz Grandes and Varela, who arrived all the generals and fought in the anti-Republican side during the Civil War from 1936 to 1939).

14.1.B the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera.

Between the world wars of democratic systems in crisis in many countries, and were replaced by dictatorial or fascist. The right-wing dictatorships were imposed tocontain labor organizations Marxist revolutionary and conservative socioeconomic save.

The coup of General Primo de Rivera

On 13 September 1923, Miguel Primo de Rive ra pulled troops into the streets, and called for collaboration at the controls of the Army. They opted to wait the provisions of the king, who decided to turn the government of Primo de Rivera. This legalized the uprising y. Alfonso XIII became directly responsible for the success of the coup and the maintenance of the dictatorship.

The reasons provided by Primo de Rive ra to justify their rebellion and lay down the tatorial December were: The failure of the liberal system emerged in 1875 and the ineffectiveness of politicians Defeats in Morocco by the ineffectiveness of politicians Widespread public disorder, social conflicts, peasant protests and strikes by workers, whose violence was increasing, the increase in crime and terrorist attacks, anti-Spanish activities of the Basque and Catalan separatist groups.

The goals from pro to solve the problem were Moroccan, ensure public order, prevent the revolutionary upheaval, ending terrorism and eradicate anarchist movements alist born in Catalonia and the Basque Country.

The military uprising did not surprise and public opinion from indifference and received approval. T he sector employers, the bourgeoisie and the Catholic middle classes and rights were joking dictatorship with enormous satisfaction. In contrast, aron anarchists and Communists called a general strike that failed, while the Socialists chose not to provide any action.

The political and institutional reorganization

The dictatorship was presented as a solu tion exceptional and temporary policy. However, over time, Primo de Rivera missed its intentions and prolonged his power.

The first steps of Primo de Rivera were the suspension of the Constitution, the dissolution of the Cortes, the activi ties of banning political parties and the establishment of a military dictatorship with a Board of Directors to govern the country. In addition, he hastened to grant amnesty to all military responsibilities processed by the defeat of Annual.

As chairman of the board, the gene ral Primo de Rivera concentrated in his hands all powers, legislative functions exercised rying with power to make rules and decrees with za fuer law, and came to take judicial powers.. The state administration was completely militarized.

In another of his first decrees, Primo nó authorizing the creation of a new National Militia. Even in smaller towns came to be formed armed squads of players soma.

In 1925, Primo de Rivera included in the Board of several civilians, among them Jose Calvo Sotelo.

He began the destruction of the liberal parliamentary system and its replacement by another state model based on three points:

The Patriotic Union (UP) was founded as a single party. His presidency was reserved for Primo de Rivera. The UPET were defined as right, unparliamentary, defenders of authoritarianism, traditionalists, monarchists and Catholics. The UP was a mere instrument of propaganda, which lacked power and social supports of importance.

The creation of the National Consultative Assembly in 1927 confirmed an authoritarian and undemocratic rule. The Commission had no cerning legislative capacity and their only mission was to advise and inform the dictator. This House dispense with the mediation of political parties.

The third baseman was a first draft for a new constitution. The docu ment – corporate, unparliamentary, Catholic and unidadnacional and included the vote for women-was completed in July 1929, but the regime had entered primorriverista decaying .

With regard to public policy. Primo de Rivera took repressive measures and declared martial law, suspending liberties constitucionalesImpuso press censorship and control over private correspondence, stopped the CNT and communist leaders, and closed their premises and newspapers. I fact is that terrorist attacks declined dramatically.

Moreover, the dictatorship unleashed a persecution tion against the Basque and Catalan nationalists, reaching both the most moderate autonomy as the most extreme separatists. Catalan Mancomunitat abolished, prohibited the use of Catalan in official acts, imposed education in Castilian, prevented the display of the Catalan flag and ordered the arrest of Francesc Macia. Similarly, the dictator ordered the closure of newspapers and peneuvistas all batzokis (local PNV).

The state economic interventionism mico The state economic interventionism was manifested: Government control of production and monitoring all economic activities. The strengthening of protectionism.The creation of monopolies. CTNE in 1924, and in 1927 CAMPSA. The increase in public investment to finance the construction of CIAR road networks, major hydraulic works and irrigation systems. L to grant economic aid and subsidies to private companies cas nationals. The creation of some government agencies called Joint Committees comprising representatives of political patronage and our workers, who have added a mental Government delegate. The results of economic policy were the reduction primorriverista strikes, public works and increased production of losniveles. By contrast, the state borrowed too much and government intervention led to frequent and scandalous practices of corruption and favoritism tion. In short, the main beneficiaries were the large business groups that were most favored two with public procurement and the supply of mate rial to the State..

Moroccan problem resolution Primo de Rivera took an attack by the troops of Abd-el-Krim against the French to enter into a queue operation with France and joint military action. Under the plan outlined, the French army was responsible for attacking the southern flank, while the Spanish troops effected a landing at Alhucemas to surprise from the rear to the Moroccan forces. This operation, which took place in September 1925 with the support of aviation and artillery fire from the ships, was a complete success. Abd-el-Krim surrendered and completed the occupation of the Moroccan territory.

The End of Dictatorship In mid 1928, the dictatorship went into decline. From a rift occurred between Alfonso XIII, Primo de Rivera, their relations were strained doing personally and politically with the passage of time. The army commanders were withdrawing their confidence to Primo de Rivera. It developed a severe increase d the state deficit for the ambitious and expensive proprograms of public works. Returned social and labor disputes and strikes began to perceive how do the start of the worldwide economic depression. The most powerful businessmen, began to distrust of excessive government economic interventionism and were uncomfortable with the importance that the system attached to the joint committees. Opposition groups-Republicans, Democrats, socialists, anarchists, communists, and Catalan nationalists saw increases peneuvístas-social support to their activities and intensified their protest against the dictatorship. Primo de Rivera began having serious health problems of Primo de Rivera. In January of 1930. General Miguel Primo de Rivera resigned and went to Paris, where he died two months later.

THE COLLAPSE OF THE MONARCHY. (1930-1931)

Following the resignation of Primo de Rivera, the king appointed the new Head of Government General Damaso Berenguer. Who raised two objectives: First it was proposed to restore the liberal parliamentary system and replace the 1876 Constitution, without considering that it was something anachronistic and unacceptable to the anti-monarchist opposition groups (Republicans, leftists and socialists). Second, General Berenguer was determined to save the figure of Alfonso XIII, when most of the public associated the monarch to the coup regime primorriverista and the king was increasingly unpopular among the middle classes and workers. Berenguer during thirteen months that remained in the government slowed the recovery of political freedoms in fear of losing control of the situa tion. For the suppression of riots and civil unrest, created a new section of riot police. Meanwhile, different Republican groups met in the capital San Sebastian and signed in August 1930 to an agreement known as the Pact of San Sebastian, who joined the PSOE and the UGT. Top political conservatives and liberalsspoke in favor of constitutional change and even be converted to Republicanism TierOne. Berenguer was replaced in February 1931 by Admiral Juan Bautista Aznar, who was commissioned to chair a government formed by leaders of various factions of the Liberal and Conservative . Admiral Aznar immediately called an election integrity with the municipal elections (April), provincial (May) and general deputies and senators (June). was provided full freedom of election campaign .. L as municipal elections rea ried on April 12 and the republican and socialist candidates achieved a resounding victory in every major city and got too many votes in rural areas. The elections showed that most people rejected the monarchical system and opposed to the permanence Alfonso XIII. Republicans and socialists quickly mobilized its supporters to pressure the government and force the abdication. After listening to his advisors, the king decided to accept the will of the people, to suspend the exercise of royal power and leave Spain. Alfonso XIII knew he had little chance to try an armed resistance. Finally, on April 14, 1931 was proclaimed the Second Republic.