The Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)
The Civil War
The Military Uprising, Development, and Political Developments
The Military Uprising
The military uprising began in Melilla on July 17, 1936, and quickly spread throughout the Moroccan protectorate. On July 18 and 19, it extended to the peninsula and archipelago, while the Casares Quiroga government reacted slowly.
The coup succeeded in Galicia, Castilla-Leon, Navarre (with General Mola in Pamplona), Western Andalusia (with Queipo de Llano in Seville), the Balearic Islands (except Menorca, with General Goded who later moved to Barcelona), and the Canary Islands (where Franco, after ensuring the coup’s success, traveled to Morocco on July 19 to lead the Army of Africa). It also triumphed in isolated enclaves like Oviedo (with General Aranda), Granada (where the murder of Garcia Lorca took place), and Zaragoza (with General Cabanellas).
The Failure of the Rebellion
The coup failed in Asturias, Cantabria, part of the Basque Country (where the PNV eventually cooperated with the Republic), Catalonia, Levante, Madrid, Castilla La Mancha, Murcia, and eastern Andalusia.
The most serious setbacks occurred in Madrid, where the new president Giral armed the workers’ militia, and in Barcelona, where an unusual collaboration between CNT workers, the Civil Guard, and the Assault Guard thwarted the insurrection.
In general, except in Navarra and Castilla-Leon, the uprising lacked popular support and relied on the military. Factors such as the rebels’ and authorities’ hesitation, the ability to mobilize labor, and the Civil Guard’s role were key to understanding the coup’s outcome in each area.
Dividing the Country: The Onset of Civil War
The coup’s partial failure divided the territory and started the war. The Nationalist zone held grain reserves, livestock (Castile and Leon), and coal mines (Rio Tinto, Huelva). Crucially, it had a better-prepared army, integrating divisions from Castile, Galicia, Andalusia, and the Army of Africa (Legion and Regulars).
The Republican zone encompassed industrial areas, wheat (La Mancha), and Levantine orchards. It also held the Bank of Spain’s gold reserves. However, its army was virtually disbanded, with most officers rebelling and the government dissolving units with questionable loyalty. The Navy (lacking many officers) and Air Force remained under Republican control.
The Development of the Civil War
Political Disintegration and Repression
The coup and war’s outbreak destroyed the Second Republic’s state structures. On the Nationalist side, power rested with generals who, following Mola’s proposals, established an authoritarian, militarized state.
On the Republican side, the government lost control, with real power held by committees organized by political parties and unions, lacking centralized authority.
The war’s early stages saw massive crackdowns on both sides, with executions and murders spreading across the country.
Nationalist repression targeted militant workers and peasants, but also intellectuals like Federico García Lorca. It was organized and controlled by the military, though Falangist gunmen engaged in uncontrolled excesses.
On the Republican side, priests and the wealthy were targeted. José Antonio Primo de Rivera, imprisoned in Alicante, was tried and executed. After initial chaos and abuses, the government gradually monitored and reduced repression.
The Nationalist Advance
An “air bridge” organized by German and Italian planes allowed the rapid transfer of the Army of Africa to Spain. The Legionnaires and Regulars easily overcame the unorganized militias, advancing towards Madrid. General Yagüe diverted columns to Badajoz, which fell, followed by a brutal crackdown that shocked the world.
The troops continued towards Madrid, but Franco diverted them again to relieve the besieged Alcázar de Toledo. Its “liberation” was a propaganda victory for Franco. Meanwhile, Mola captured Irun and San Sebastian, isolating the Basque Country from France.
The Battle of Madrid
On October 18, 1936, Nationalist forces led by Varela reached Madrid’s outskirts. The Battle of Madrid began in November. On November 4, they occupied Alcorcón, Leganés, Getafe, and Cuatro Vientos. The capital’s fall seemed imminent.
Facing Nationalist military superiority, parties and unions mobilized Madrid’s population to defend the city. The cry “No Pasarán!” (“They shall not pass!”) became famous worldwide.
Madrid’s morale rose with the arrival of foreign reinforcements: the International Brigades (volunteer corps organized mainly by communists), Russian tanks and planes, and the anarchist Durruti Column. The city endured aerial bombing by German planes and heavy fighting in Casa de Campo, University City, and the French Bridge. Republican troops resisted, and Franco eventually halted the assault.
The Battles of Jarama and Guadalajara, and the Capture of Malaga
After failing to take Madrid directly, Franco attempted to encircle it. This led to the Battle of Jarama (one of the fiercest) and the Battle of Guadalajara, where Mussolini’s Italian troops were defeated.
Meanwhile, Franco’s troops captured Malaga, followed by harsh repression. The failure at Madrid led Franco to adopt a new strategy: attacking the Republicans’ weakest areas instead of seeking a quick victory.
The Northern Campaign
From spring to autumn 1937, Nationalist troops conquered the isolated northern Republican zone. The Basque Country, Cantabria, and Asturias fell one after another.
During this campaign, the bombing of Guernica occurred. The Condor Legion, a German air unit sent by Hitler, bombed and razed the city, which had no military value. This event, which became routine in World War II, caused international outrage and inspired Picasso’s famous painting. During the Basque campaign, Mola, Franco’s only rival for Nationalist leadership, died in a plane crash.
Attempting to divert Nationalist forces from the north, Republicans launched the Belchite offensive in Aragon. It failed completely, and Franco’s forces secured the entire northern region. This had serious consequences for the Republic, which lost coal and iron mines and allowed Franco to concentrate his troops in the south.
The Battle of Teruel and the Ebro Offensive
In December 1937, Republicans launched an offensive at Teruel, achieving a temporary victory before being defeated. After securing Teruel, Franco launched a general attack on Aragon, reaching Vinaroz on the Mediterranean on April 15, 1938, splitting the Republican zone in two.
The last major Republican offensive was the Battle of the Ebro in July 1938. With over 100,000 casualties, it was the war’s bloodiest battle and exhausted Republican morale and reserves.
The End of the War
The prelude to the war’s end was the Nationalist offensive against Catalonia. After taking Barcelona, Franco’s troops reached the French border in February 1939, causing a massive exodus of over 500,000 people who fled to France and were crammed into camps.
Facing imminent defeat, Republican internal divisions deepened. Negrín’s government, supported by communists and socialists, advocated resistance to the death, hoping to integrate the Spanish conflict into the impending European war and gain allies. Colonel Casado, advocating negotiation, launched a coup against Negrín’s government. Despite Casado’s attempts, Franco demanded unconditional surrender. On March 28, Franco’s troops entered Madrid, and the war ended on April 1, 1939. A long dictatorship replaced the Second Republic’s democratic experiment.
Political Developments During the Civil War
The Republican Zone
The failed coup unleashed a social revolution in the Republican zone. Party committees and unions controlled essential aspects of the economy (transport, military supplies, production), while the government ratified their actions.
In rural areas, there were massive land seizures, affecting large estates and sometimes medium and small properties. Socialist-dominated areas saw land and production socialization, while anarchist-dominated areas implemented total collectivization, sometimes even abolishing money.
In September 1936, a unity government was formed, headed by Socialist Largo Caballero and including ministers from PSOE, PCE, Republican Left, and Basque and Catalan nationalist groups. In November, four anarchist leaders joined, including Federica Montseny, Spain’s first female minister.
The government’s main challenge was regaining control and creating a centralized power structure to manage the war effort. This was a daunting task, as power resided with numerous committees and militias, often clashing (especially anarchists with socialists and communists). Autonomous governments were another disintegrating factor. Basque nationalism supported the Republic and approved the Basque Statute in October, with José Antonio Aguirre becoming the first lehendakari (president).
Two models clashed in the Republican zone. The CNT-FAI and POUM advocated immediate collectivization (“Revolution and war at the same time”), dominating Catalonia, Aragon, and Valencia. The PSOE and PCE prioritized restoring order, centralizing power, and respecting small and medium landowners (“First the war, then the revolution”).
Internal dissent was constant, culminating in the Barcelona May Days (1937). The Generalitat government, following central government instructions, tried to seize control of the CNT-held Barcelona Telephone Exchange, triggering an insurrection and street fighting.
The May Days crisis led to Largo Caballero’s resignation. The new government, headed by Socialist Negrín, had a PSOE majority but leaned towards the PCE’s positions. Soviet aid had transformed the communists into a powerful force.
Clashes between Stalinists and Trotskyists occurred in Spain. The POUM was outlawed, and its leader, Andrés Nin, “disappeared” in the hands of Soviet agents.
Although too late to change the war’s course, greater economic centralization was imposed, and the Popular Army was formed, replacing the undisciplined militias.
From March 1938, when Franco’s troops reached the Mediterranean, two positions emerged. The official stance (Negrín, PCE, PSOE) advocated “resistance to the death.” Some anarchist and socialist leaders favored negotiation, recognizing the likelihood of defeat.
International events (Munich Pact, withdrawal of International Brigades, decline in Soviet aid) and the fall of Catalonia reinforced the idea that the war was lost. In March 1939, Casado’s coup ousted Negrín. Hopes for negotiation vanished when Franco demanded unconditional surrender.
The Nationalist Zone
General Sanjurjo’s death on July 20, 1936, left the Nationalist uprising without a clear leader. On July 24, a meeting in Burgos established the National Defense Board as a provisional government.
Drastic measures were adopted: a nationwide state of war, suppression of liberties, and dissolution of all political parties except the Falange and Carlist Requetés.
Nationalist propaganda justified the coup against a democratically elected government as a “National Uprising” against a “Marxist” and “anti-Spanish” Republic. The Catholic Church, persecuted in the Republican zone, framed the war as a “Crusade” against atheism.
Economic measures aimed to reverse Republican reforms (e.g., returning land to owners) and implement state intervention based on fascist ideology. The National Grain Service (1937) controlled bread supply.
The need for unified leadership led to Franco’s appointment as Chief of the Spanish Government on October 1, 1936. His military successes, command of the Army of Africa, and German support explained his rise. The Caudillo (as Nationalist propaganda called him) established a personal dictatorship based on a military regime. A State Technical Board (composed of military officers) advised him.
In April 1937, the Decree of Unification merged the Falange and Carlists into the FET y de las JONS (National Movement), adopting the single-party model of Italian and German fascism.
The Law of the Central State Administration concentrated executive, legislative, and judicial power in Franco. The Press Law imposed censorship, and the Labor Law ended freedom of association and established state control over employers’ and workers’ organizations.
The new regime established a state church, restoring its subsidies, abolishing divorce and civil marriage, and returning much of education to the clergy. This created National-Catholicism.
Finally, legislation institutionalized repression against the defeated. The Law of Political Responsibilities (February 1939) designated as “rebels” all who opposed the National Movement.
International Dimension and Consequences
The International Dimension
The Spanish Civil War had a significant international impact, intertwining the strategic interests of powers with the ideological commitments of major political currents.
Fascist powers (Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany) aided Franco’s rebels. Italy sought Mediterranean expansion, while Germany gained an ally threatening France’s rearguard and an ideological partner against democracy and worker movements. Portugal also supported Franco.
The USSR supported the Republic, opposing fascism and diverting Hitler’s attention from its borders.
The major democracies adopted a policy of appeasement towards fascist powers, hoping to avoid a general war. Britain remained neutral, concerned about German and Italian influence but wary of the Republican zone’s revolutionary tendencies. France, despite its leftist Popular Front government, followed Britain’s lead.
This appeasement culminated in the Munich Pact (September 1938), effectively ending the Republic’s hopes. The US, despite its Neutrality Act, allowed oil companies to sell to Franco.
France and Britain proposed a Non-Intervention Pact, preventing aid to either side. The Non-Intervention Committee was a farce, as Germany and Italy massively supported Franco while France and Britain withheld aid from the Republic. The only significant aid came from the USSR, influencing the Republican zone’s internal developments.
Foreign Aid
Unequal foreign aid contributed to the Nationalist victory. Franco received strong support from Hitler and Mussolini, including air support, Italian troops, ammunition, and the Condor Legion. Portugal facilitated arms transit. Moroccan troops served as shock forces in Franco’s army.
The Republic received limited aid from France early on, which ceased after the Non-Intervention Pact. Soviet aid arrived in time for the defense of Madrid but was less consistent and of lower quality than Franco’s. The International Brigades (communist-recruited volunteers) played a significant role in defending Madrid and in the Jarama and Teruel battles. Pressure from the Non-Intervention Committee and Stalin’s disinterest led to their withdrawal in late 1938. The Committee failed to secure the withdrawal of Italian troops.
Consequences of the Civil War
Demographic Consequences
Estimates of the war’s demographic cost vary, including deaths in combat and repression, famine, epidemics, and reduced births. The most accepted figures suggest around 500,000 deaths, plus unborn children and the loss of a young population.
Republican exile was another significant factor. “War children” were evacuated during the conflict, but the major exodus occurred after Catalonia’s fall. Around 450,000 people went into exile, many not returning until after Franco’s death in 1975. This represented a major loss of a young, active population, including much of the country’s intellectual and artistic elite (the Silver Age).
Financial Implications
The war was an economic catastrophe. National income and per capita income did not recover to 1936 levels until the 1950s.
Key elements of this catastrophe included:
- Destruction of the industrial base, leading to a primarily agrarian economy in the 1940s.
- Destruction of homes (estimated at 250,000), communications, and infrastructure.
- Increased debt and loss of the Bank of Spain’s gold reserves (used to pay for Soviet aid).
Social Consequences
The war resulted in the oligarchy’s (industrial and financial) recovery of economic and social hegemony, while workers lost all their acquired rights.
Moral Consequences
The war deeply divided the country morally. Several generations were marked by the suffering of war and Franco’s postwar repression. The Franco regime never sought reconciliation and celebrated its military origins. The wounds of the civil war lasted for decades, with the persecution and punishment of the defeated being a key feature of the dictatorship.