The Seven Years of Primo de Rivera’s Rule in Spain

The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923-1930)

On 13 September 1923, General Miguel Primo de Rivera, opposing constitutional legality, declared a state of war and demanded power be transferred to the military. After hesitation, King Alfonso XIII entrusted him with forming a new government composed exclusively of military officers.

The dictatorship lasted seven years, divided into two phases: the Military Directorate (1923-1925) and the Civil Directorate (1925-1930), named for the origin of their members. The Military Directorate was presented as an interim regime to resolve outstanding issues. The Civil Directorate aimed to institutionalize civil procedures and focused on economic and social issues.

Causes of the Coup

The coup was justified by claims that the constitutional system was blocked, discredited, and that there was a grave danger of social revolution. Primo de Rivera presented his action as an essential remedy, not an end in itself. His rhetoric was regenerationist, moralistic, and populist, criticizing “old politics” and seeking popular support.

In his inaugural address, Primo de Rivera announced his determination to rid the country of warlords and banditry, end political and social indiscipline, and threats to national unity. His swift appointment by Alfonso XIII was influenced by the desire to avoid accountability for the Annual Disaster.

Some historians suggest Primo de Rivera aimed not to end an outdated regime but to prevent its democratization. The last government of García Prieto, which included Reform Party members, had proposed reforms like freedom of worship, electoral reform with proportional representation, Senate reform, worker participation in industrial benefits, and a tax on war profits. The coup may have been a way to curb these reforms, which threatened certain sectors and social interests.

Reorganization of the State

The Military Directorate’s initial actions were dictatorial: suspension of constitutional rule, dissolution of the legislative chambers, removal of civil authorities, and prohibition of political parties and trade unions. Public order was militarized, and radical unionism (Anarchists and Communists) was repressed.

Regeneration was a primary objective. To address political bossism, a Municipal and Provincial Statute was developed. Councils were dissolved and replaced by boards of associated members, comprising the largest contributors in each locality, appointed by provincial governors. This regeneration was a farce, as it suspended electoral mechanisms and replaced old bosses with new ones.

A new party, the Patriotic Union, was launched as a government party without a defined ideology. Its primary mission was to provide social support to the dictatorship and follow directives. Members came mainly from Catholic ranks, administration officials, and rural bosses.

During the Military Directorate’s first stage, the focus was on the Moroccan conflict. Primo de Rivera personally became High Commissioner in Morocco in 1924. From 1925, he initiated a policy of collaboration with France, including coordinated military action. The Alhucemas landing (1925) was a significant success. After several defeats, Abd-el-Krim surrendered to French troops in 1926. By 1927, Spanish troops completed the effective occupation of the Protectorate.

During the Civil Directorate, Primo de Rivera attempted to institutionalize his regime by creating a National Consultative Assembly (1927) and holding a plebiscite on his domestic and foreign policy. The Assembly had a corporate, authoritarian character, composed of representatives of corporations elected indirectly by government officials and selected social power representatives. Universal suffrage was disregarded.

Economic and Social Policy

The dictatorship benefited from the international economic boom of the 1920s. These years saw political nationalism and state interventionism, including increased protectionism and industrial development in investment goods sectors.

The state played a significant economic role, building public works (railways, roads, hydroelectric schemes) and adopting a Decree on the Protection of National Industry, providing state aid to companies unable to compete with foreign firms. Major monopolies were granted, such as the National Telephone Company of Spain and CAMPSA, which had exclusive rights to import, refine, distribute, and sell oil.

This policy led to a marked increase in the budget deficit and severe state borrowing. By 1929, state debt was seven times that of 1924, though this was disguised in official accounts.

The dictatorship implemented a labor regulation model to eliminate social conflicts through state intervention, integrating moderate labor sectors and repressing radical organizations. The National Corporate Organization was created, articulating labor relations based on professions. Joint committees, composed equally of employers and workers, regulated wages, working conditions, and mediated labor disputes. These committees were supported by the UGT, while the CNT was banned, and Free Trade Unions were promoted.

Opposition to the Dictatorship

Opposition came from leaders of old political parties, Republicans, Communists, Anarchists, some army sectors, and intellectuals. The old parties criticized the regime’s length, and some leaders participated in military conspiracies, like the “Sanjuana” plot in June 1926. Conservative José Sánchez Guerra led an attempt in January 1929, which had some military support.

Republicans organized the Republican Alliance, uniting various factions and conducting a broad propaganda campaign abroad. Intellectuals like Unamuno, Ortega y Gasset, Blasco Ibáñez, and Menéndez Pidal were highly critical, signing a manifesto in 1924 against the regime’s cultural policy. Opposition manifested in university student revolts and support from the WAS (Spanish University Federation).

The CNT opposed the regime, but internal conflicts arose between those favoring radical action and violence and those advocating more moderate approaches, like Ángel Pestaña. In July 1927, the radical faction created the FAI (Iberian Anarchist Federation), which favored insurrection. The PSOE initially collaborated but changed its position by 1929, rejecting the regime’s overtures and supporting the Republic.

The Catalan question became a major conflict. Primo de Rivera’s political and administrative measures, the liquidation of the Commonwealth in 1925, the ban on public use of the Catalan language and the Sardana dance, and the closure of an FC Barcelona field were seen as anti-Catalan. This alienated even those who initially supported the dictatorship, like the Regionalist League.

The most impactful opposition action was the failed invasion of Spanish territory from Prats de Mollo (France) in 1926, led by Catalan nationalist Francesc Macià.

The Fall of the Dictator

The initial consensus among conservative classes crumbled over time. Primo de Rivera proved incapable of reconciling the various monarchical factions and finding a solution for a transition to a constitutional system. Alfonso XIII, fearing the dictatorship’s growing prestige would affect the monarchy’s image, decided to withdraw his support.

Primo de Rivera resigned in January 1930. General Berenguer was tasked with a replacement, but the promised return to constitutional normality was slow, leading to discontent and the term “soft dictatorship.”

The opposition organized. Republicans, the Catalan left, and the PSOE signed the Pact of San Sebastián (August 1930), committing to an alternative to the monarchy and forming a revolutionary committee to become the provisional government of a future Republic. In December 1930, a military insurrection led by Captains Galán and García Hernández proclaimed the Republic but was suppressed, and the captains were executed.

In February 1931, Admiral Aznar formed the last government of the monarchy, promising elections, starting with municipal ones, and new constitutional courts. He attempted to return to normality, but Alfonso XIII’s association with the dictatorship made the municipal elections on April 12 a plebiscite on the monarchy. The results favored the Republicans, leading to the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic.