The Second Spanish Republic: Reforms, Conflicts, and the Road to Civil War
The Reformist Biennium (1931-1933)
December 1931 – September 1933
Manuel Azaña, a republican socialist, presided over a government that implemented major reforms.
The Reform of the Army
Led by Azaña, this reform sought to professionalize the army and reduce its political influence. Key measures included a retirement law, a mandatory oath to the Constitution, the closure of the Zaragoza Military Academy, and the abolition of special military courts. Although the objectives were not fully achieved, the reform resulted in a smaller army than anticipated, reduced military budgets, and was perceived as an act of aggression by those with vested interests in the military, particularly those involved in colonial affairs in Africa.
The Religious Question
The Republic aimed to limit the influence of the Catholic Church and secularize civil life. Reforms included freedom of worship, the separation of church and state in the national budget, and the abolition of mandatory tithes. Divorce and civil marriage were legalized, and cemeteries were secularized. In education, the Jesuits were dissolved, and their property was nationalized through the Congregations Act. These reforms faced strong opposition from the Church hierarchy, who were openly anti-Republican. Cardinal Segura was expelled from the country, highlighting the escalating tensions surrounding anticlericalism.
Land Reform
Land reform was the most significant social issue of the time. Fifty percent of the population were farmers (2 million laborers and 750,000 tenant farmers), while over 50% of the land was owned by a small number of large landowners. The Republic sought to improve the living conditions of peasants and modernize agriculture by reducing working hours, introducing minimum wages, and implementing other measures. The Agrarian Reform Law, passed in September 1932, allowed for the expropriation of large estates, particularly those belonging to the nobility and those deemed poorly cultivated. However, the reform had limited success due to the complexity of the law, bureaucratic delays, and strong opposition from landowners. This led to significant social consequences, as large landowners united against the Republic, and disappointed farmers adopted increasingly radical positions.
Centralist State Reforms and Autonomy
The Constitution recognized the right to autonomy for regions. In Catalonia, Francesc Macià of the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) proclaimed the Catalan Republic within an Iberian Federation on April 14, 1932. Following tough negotiations, the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was approved by Parliament in 1932, granting Catalonia limited self-government. The ERC won the first Catalan elections, and Macià became President. In the Basque Country, the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and the Carlists proposed the Statute of Estella, which had a traditionalist character. This faced opposition from Republicans and Socialists due to its perceived religious bias and undemocratic elements. Its approval was delayed until October 1936, with José Antonio Aguirre as the first Lehendakari (President of the Basque Country). In Galicia, where nationalist sentiment was less pronounced, a draft Statute of Autonomy was approved in June 1936 but was never ratified by the Parliament.
Social and Educational Reforms
Largo Caballero, as Minister of Labor, implemented reforms aimed at improving working conditions, including collective bargaining, a 40-hour work week, wage increases, and the creation of social insurance. These reforms faced radical opposition from employers. In education, the government defended freedom of education and secularism, building 10,000 new schools and hiring 7,000 teachers, representing a 50% increase in the education budget. The government also attempted to curb the Church’s control over education, which was met with strong opposition.
Opponents of Reformism and Social Conflict
Growing Opposition
The reforms faced strong opposition from those affected and impatience from the masses who desired more radical change.
The Reorganization of the Right
The monarchist right increasingly aligned itself with fascist models. José María Gil-Robles founded the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups (CEDA) in 1932, and a year later, the Alfonsist monarchists created the Spanish Renovation party led by José Calvo Sotelo, who advocated for a coup. The Carlists joined the Traditionalist Communion. In 1931, fascist groups formed the National Syndicalist Offensive Committees (JONS), which merged with the Falange Española (founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera and inspired by Italian Fascism) in 1933. Some sections of the army supported the failed coup led by General Sanjurjo in August 1932. In 1933, the Spanish Military Union (UME) was created, which would later participate in the 1936 coup.
Workers and Social Conflict
The National Confederation of Labor (CNT), the largest trade union, was divided into two factions: the trentistas, a more moderate group led by Ángel Pestaña and Juan Peiró, who favored trade unionism and supported the Republic; and the insurrectionists, a more radical group linked to the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) and led by Buenaventura Durruti, who advocated for revolution. The latter eventually gained control of the CNT. The General Union of Workers (UGT) also leaned towards radical positions. This explains the significant social unrest in 1933, including peasant revolts in Andalusia and the events of Casas Viejas (Cádiz), where a brutal crackdown on anarchist protesters led to a crisis between the government and the Republicans and Socialists. Azaña resigned, leading to elections in November 1933.
The Conservative Biennium (1933-1936)
November 1933 Elections
The November 1933 elections resulted in a center-right victory for the Radical Republican Party led by Alejandro Lerroux and the CEDA led by Gil-Robles.
The Stoppage of Reforms
The new Lerroux government halted the reforms of the previous biennium. Land that had been redistributed was returned to its original owners, and wages were lowered, leading to increased conflict in the countryside. The central government clashed with the left-leaning Generalitat of Catalonia over the Law of Contracts, which was eventually annulled by the Constitutional Court. No similar law was passed. Relations with Basque nationalists also deteriorated, and the process of approving their Statute of Autonomy was halted. Relations with the clergy were restored, and a concordat with the Vatican was proposed. Amnesty was granted to the rebels who had participated in the Sanjurjo coup and to those who had collaborated with Primo de Rivera. These policies led to the radicalization of the PSOE and the UGT, with Largo Caballero advocating for social revolution and Indalecio Prieto adopting a more moderate stance. Faced with a wave of strikes, the CEDA joined the government on October 5, 1934, and was granted three ministerial positions, raising concerns about the government’s fascist leanings.
The October Revolution of 1934
The entry of the CEDA into the government triggered a reaction from left-wing parties, particularly the UGT, which called for a general strike. The strike failed in most of the country due to government repression (a state of war was declared), but it was successful in Asturias and Catalonia. In Asturias, coal miners, supported by anarchist and communist revolutionary committees, took control of the region. The government sent in the Spanish Legion, led by General Franco, to suppress the uprising. The ensuing conflict was brutal, with nearly 4,000 people killed or wounded and numerous summary executions. This event is often seen as a prelude to the Civil War. In Catalonia, the uprising was more political, with Lluís Companys, President of the Generalitat, proclaiming the Catalan State within a Federal Spanish Republic. A state of war was declared, and 3,500 people were arrested, including Companys, Caballero, and Azaña.
The Crisis of the Second Biennium
The October Revolution had major consequences. The CEDA’s power increased, and it proposed amending the Constitution to restrict regional autonomy. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy was suspended, the Jesuits’ property was restored, and Gil-Robles became Minister of War, with Franco as Chief of Staff. However, the repression also united the opposition forces, who demanded amnesty for those arrested during the October Revolution. This led to a government crisis. Lerroux clashed with President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora, who refused to grant him a vote of confidence and appointed a new Prime Minister, Manuel Portela Valladares. A scandal involving the Radical Party and a black market for lottery tickets further weakened the government. Gil-Robles attempted to become Prime Minister, but Alcalá-Zamora refused. This led to the calling of new elections in February 1936.
The Popular Front Victory
February 1936 Elections
The February 1936 elections took place in a climate of social and political polarization. Two main blocs emerged: the Popular Front, an alliance of Republicans, Socialists, and Communists, which promised amnesty for political prisoners, the reinstatement of those dismissed from their jobs after the October Revolution, and the resumption of the stalled reforms; and the National Bloc, a less cohesive coalition of right-wing parties without a common agenda. The Popular Front won the elections with 48% of the vote compared to the National Bloc’s 46.5%, with its victory being particularly strong in major cities.
The Popular Front Government
The right wing began to conspire against the new government, while the labor movement pushed for deeper reforms. Azaña became President of the Republic, and Santiago Casares Quiroga was appointed Prime Minister. The government included ministers from the Republican Left and was supported by the Socialists. Amnesty was granted, and those dismissed from their jobs were reinstated. The reform process resumed, with new land settlements for farmers (supported by anarchist workers who sought revolution). Military officers suspected of being pro-coup were removed from positions of power, with Franco being sent to the Canary Islands. The Falange, led by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, promoted civil unrest and encouraged support for a military insurrection.
The Preparation of the Coup
Following the Popular Front’s victory, Franco attempted to declare a state of war. General Emilio Mola became the mastermind behind the coup plan, aiming for a simultaneous uprising in most garrisons, particularly in Madrid and Barcelona. The Army of Africa was to serve as a reserve force, and General Sanjurjo was chosen as the political leader. The coup plotters received support from the far-right, including the Carlists and the Falange, and established contacts with Germany and Italy. However, the conspirators had different objectives: Mola aimed for a republican dictatorship, the CEDA wanted to restore the Alfonsine monarchy, the Falangists sought to establish an Italian-style fascist regime, and the Traditionalists desired a traditional monarchy. Franco used these disparate factions to advance his own ambitions. Amidst these discussions, Calvo Sotelo was assassinated by leftist militants in retaliation for the murder of Lieutenant Castillo, a member of the Assault Guard, a republican police force. This triggered the coup. On July 17, 1936, the uprising began in Morocco and spread to the mainland on July 18. Although the coup failed in major garrisons, it marked the beginning of the Spanish Civil War.