The Rise of Far-Right Movements in Eastern Europe: Causes, Trends, and Examples
In Europe, especially in Eastern Europe, there is a growing presence of far-right movements. This isn’t the first time we’ve seen this phenomenon. The formation of these movements in Eastern Europe began in the mid-1980s, leading up to the fall of communism. By 1990, radical right parties emerged as an electoral force. After the fall of communism, we saw parties like Poland’s LPR, Hungary’s MIEP, Romania’s PRM, and Slovakia’s SNS gain some recognition. Today, far-right parties hold approximately 10-20% of parliamentary seats.
Two main trends characterize these far-right parties: first, **ethno-nationalist xenophobia**, where countries fear losing their “ethnicity,” which includes their heritage, language, faith, etc. Second, they promote an **anti-political establishment sentiment**. (Think of Trump, Brexit, and France.) This spread to Eastern Europe, largely due to **social isolation and a lack of social capital**, which are key factors driving support for far-right parties and their rapid growth.
Rydgren, in his article, identifies three reasons that foster extreme right-wing movements:
- The diminished role of family, local community, professional organizations, and traditional civil society organizations leaves people feeling distant and detached from the social order.
- There’s a decline in a pluralist society and an increase in a populist society.
- In an effort to counter social isolation, people replace the absence of social networks with alternative ones, such as far-right parties.
Rydgren’s article also discusses the **mass society theory**, which suggests that when a society experiences a loss of community, it leads to an increased desire for “new ideologies.” These ideologies satisfy the desire for community, which is something people often crave. This has contributed to the rise of far-right movements in various countries.
Two prominent examples are Hungary and Slovakia. In Hungary, the far-right party **Jobbik**, whose motto is “A future for a better Hungary,” focuses on a highly nationalist stance, prioritizing Hungary and its people. They are anti-immigration, populist, and economic protectionist. As Hungary’s third-largest party, their views include increasing government spending on ethnic Hungarians living abroad and criminalizing homosexuality.
In Slovakia, the **People’s Party – Our Slovakia** is anti-Roma, anti-American, and has labeled NATO a “criminal organization.” The party’s leader has spoken favorably of an individual responsible for sending tens of thousands to concentration camps during World War II.
Both far-right parties have gained influence by securing small percentages of seats in parliament. In Hungary, Jobbik won 20% of the vote in the 2014 parliamentary elections, becoming the third-largest party. They started with 2% in 2006. In Slovakia, the party won 8% of the seats, holding 14 out of 150 seats in parliament. As we can see, these parties are growing rapidly.
Rydgren’s second argument is that the decline of a pluralist society contributes to the rise of extreme right-wing movements. The gap between the people and the elite is widening. While pluralist society is declining, populism is on the rise. Populism emphasizes that power should be based on the general will and that the people are the superior group. Populism rejects the idea of a “liberal democracy,” which involves checks and balances by the government and ensures that all rights are protected regardless of who you are. Populism seeks “pure democracy” and what the general will desires.
These far-right parties understand this sentiment and position themselves as parties for the people. The immigration crisis in Europe has significantly contributed to this trend, as anti-immigration sentiment has spread throughout the continent. Right-wing parties operate on a nationalist platform. Both the far-right parties in Slovakia and Hungary reject refugees. This is evident in their efforts to promote Islamophobia and hostility towards anyone who is different from them. According to the BBC, Hungary has the highest number of refugees in proportion to its population. This has caused unrest in Europe, as Hungary feels unsafe and seeks isolation, which aligns with the extreme nationalist perspective promoted by far-right parties.
Even Prime Minister Orban has stated that Muslim asylum seekers are unwelcome in Hungary and argues that he is defending European Christianity against a Muslim influx, according to a news report. In Slovakia, the Slovak Prime Minister said that Muslims cannot be integrated into Europe.
To counter this social isolation, these countries have created far-right party movements, which are gaining momentum. This is evident in the parties’ encouragement of **ethnic reductionism/simplification**. They blame different ethnic groups for all social issues. For example, according to Varga, in Hungary, Jobbik is attempting to mobilize anti-Roma sentiment and presents itself as a party interested in **economic issues of poverty and inequality triggered by capitalism**. They achieve this through an ethno-nationalist perspective, blaming all ethnic groups for their problems and promoting their nationalist views to try and exclude ethnic groups. In Hungary, Roma make up 5% of the population, which is half a million out of a total population of 10 million.
Hungary and Slovakia have their differences. Hungary is further along in its anti-Semitic rhetoric and seeks to eliminate the Central European University. Slovakia is trying to work with the EU to address the influx of refugees. Hungary wants to build a wall. Hungary has a stronger anti-immigrant community, while Slovakia has a stronger emphasis on domestic issues (failing healthcare system, education system, etc.).
Regarding Slovakia, according to the Hlavek reading, the Smer party performs better in districts with **high unemployment and low education**. This highlights the disconnect between the elites and the people, leading to frustration. Immigration is challenging for post-communist countries due to:
- Communist-era legacy
- Previous ethnic issues
- Religious issues
- Not being wealthy or poor countries
- Previous far-right movements