The Impact of the Spanish Civil War on Republican Forces
The non-intervention pact was violated when the Soviet Union decided to send arms and advisors to the republic, and the Communist International recruited the International Brigades. This was a great help to prevent Franco from taking Madrid in late 1936, which did not provide any prestige to the Republicans as the government moved to Valencia. After this, there were several battles around the capital. The Jarama was the first open battle of the entire war, while the battle of Guadalajara became famous for the failure of Italian troops. The German and Italian response was to increase their aid, sending the Germans an air unit called the Condor Legion. However, Soviet vessels had to make a long voyage across the Mediterranean, exposing themselves to attacks from Franco’s fleet of German submarines. The president of the Spanish Republic until almost the end of the war was Azaña, an anticlerical liberal from the Republican Left party. While the republican government was led by Largo Caballero. His government was initially comprised of socialists, republicans, and communists.
Largo took over the portfolio of war and also chaired the government. He focused on creating a new People’s Army and obtaining supplies of arms from the Soviet Union. To facilitate the payment for supplies sent to Russia, Largo used the gold reserves of the Bank of Spain. In June 1937, after the death of General Mola in another plane crash, Franco took charge of the military rebellion. Almost all rights organizations supported the uprising, but the CEDA was discredited, and only the traditionalists and the Falange had strong popular support, contributing to the war with volunteer militia. Franco wanted a single party, and in April 1937, the traditionalists and Falangists merged into a single party called the Traditionalist Spanish Falange (FET), and those who tried to oppose this union were harshly silenced.
The leadership of Franco was strengthened by the accession of the Spanish Church, which saw Franco as their savior against religious persecution in republican territory. The internal tensions between the forces defending the Republic erupted violently in Barcelona in May 1937. In Catalonia, the Esquerra Republicana Nationalists and the Communists favored PSUC, advocating that the State regain its functions, while the CNT and POUM defended dissident communist revolutionary transformations. The shooting that originated in the face of the Generalitat with the CNT broke the prestige of Largo Caballero, and after his resignation, he was replaced by Juan Negrín. The new government imposed a line of strengthening central power, revolutionary discipline, and moderation. The POUM was outlawed, and the Communists accused them of being followers of Leon Trotsky. By the end of 1937, Republicans attacked Teruel, and after a fierce battle, they took it. Franco’s counteroffensive against the sinking of the Negrín republic eroded prestige due to military defeats, and some leftist leaders began to think about the possibility of ending the war through negotiation. Instead, Negrín and the Communists defended extreme resistance. Soviet supplies allowed the Republicans to launch, in August 1938, their latest offensive at the Ebro front, which was the toughest battle of the war and exhausted the Republican troops. In December, Franco launched an offensive against Catalonia and met little resistance. In early February, his troops reached the French border. After this resignation, Azaña had presented its political and emotional repercussions that were beyond a national conflict. About a million people were killed, and 350,000 people had been exiled. Industrial facilities were severely damaged or destroyed, as well as the transport system and the network of communications. The moral wounds due to the repression that took place on both sides were carried out by the Franco system.