The End of Franco: 1970-1975
2.4. The years 1970 to 1975: the end of Franco
• The ’70s began with an increasingly weak regime, which did not introduce changes towards democracy or are organized for an orderly succession for ever closer death of the dictator (the “biological fact”).
• The opposition increased its influence and its ability to move funds among urban population groups more aware (workers, students …) that although he was unable to topple the regime, they could maintain a constant tension.
• In front of them, the only response was the suppression of all dissent.
• The social and political rejection penalties imposed on the Council of Burgos in 1970 caused:
• Increased internal opposition that was present in all areas of social and political life.
• Strengthen international isolation which meant that conservatives would also like to finish an anachronistic regime not evolve, the integration in Europe impossible.
• This would cause a strengthening of the most reactionary sectors of the scheme (“the bunker”).
• to these problems (and lobbyists) joined:
• The first glimmer of what would be the 70’s economic crisis, exacerbated by the increase in oil prices.
• The increasing violence caused by the activities of ETA.
• The consequent repression by the police.
• The rift within the ranks of the regime.
Some favored acertain evolution towards an approach more “comparable” with the European democracies. Usually came from the group of technocrats of Opus Dei.
Others were reluctant to any change as inconsistent with the principles of July 18. Were military or fortified Falangist groups with the regime.
• All these problems were manifested at a time after the assassination by ETA on December 20, 1973 of Admiral Carrero Blanco, who had been appointed Prime Minister by Franco.
• Some general and groups “extremists” tried to trigger a general repression and brutal punishment for the attack.
• The same day he was to start the Process 1001 for directors of CC OO, the illegal Communist union.
• Franco named a new government Pte Carlos Arias Navarro, belonging to these groups and hardliners loyal to the dictator, but without much authority or prestige of their own.
• At first seemed inclined to reform the way (“spirit of February 12), but soon showed that he neither knew nor wanted to take him out, nor had the necessary support to do so, because the clique that surrounded a Franco increasingly sick any real attempt was impossible.
• In the summer of 1974, the dictator fell seriously ill and was hospitalized. For a few days the power was vested in the Prince of Spain, D. Juan Carlos.
• In this political instability was abruptly abandoned by the Spanish Sahara Green March organized by Hassan II of Morocco. This increased instability.
• At the same time, opposition parties articulated joint platforms to present and publicize alternatives to the regime and its proposals for change: Reform or a break.
• Franco replacement in power, the voltage remains above: the last political act was to accept the five death sentences imposed by military courts FRAP Three militants and two of ETA, which were shot on 27-Aug-75.
• A wave of outrage has grown both inside and outside the borders, where some embassies were attacked.
• Despite some expression of commitment to Franco, confirming the image of a decrepit dictator who remained as they had begun shooting their opponents.
• Franco fell ill again, which degenerated into a protracted agony about people closest to her “clique.”
• On November 20, 1975, a tearful Arias Navarro informed the country’s death for nearly forty years he had controlled all power and had exercised a personal and authoritarian.