Spanish History: Oligarchy, Caciques, and Regionalism in Extremadura
The Problem of Morocco
It began shortly after the disaster of 1898 (Spanish territories in Africa: Chafarinas Islands, Melilla, Penon de Alhucemas, Penon de Velez de la Gomera, and Ceuta). France, the protectorate of Algeria and Tunisia, tried to extend their influence to Morocco. Germany tried to intervene in the area, and England, owner of Gibraltar, wanted to maintain control over the Strait area. In 1906, the Conference of Algeciras was held, where a dual Franco-Spanish protectorate and the internalization of the region in the economic order were created.
The Spanish founded the first capital mining companies, such as The Mining Company’s Spanish Rif. The tribes that inhabited the Rif started attacking the workers. The Madrid government’s call to reservists to quell the rebellion in the summer of 1909 triggered the Tragic Week in Barcelona, which coincided with the Spanish military defeat at the Battle of Wolf’s Ravine, with about 1,200 dead, which ended the peaceful penetration in Morocco.
Spain’s intervention in Morocco became a national issue. The Hispano-French treaty of 1912 gave Spain 5% of the territory with one million inhabitants and the rest to France with 5 million people.
The occupation was slow and caused serious problems. In this context, a new military corps was created: the Legion.
Finally, in 1921 came the disaster of Annual. A misunderstanding between Commissioners Fernandez Silvestre and Berenguer in the attack on Al Hoceima triggered the offense of Abd-el-Krim, who caused the disbandment of the Spanish army, leading to a massacre with about 13,000 dead. After the disaster of Annual, a chapter of responsibilities was opened that paved the way for the military takeover.
Oligarchy and Caciques in Extremadura
The Canovas system was falsely democratic. The functioning of the cacique and oligarchic system reached its greatest levels of efficiency.
However, in the early years, the Canovas model faced the past and residual influence of some sectors of republicanism. The Republicans’ failed military uprising in 1883 in Badajoz is an example.
In 1890, as shown by the degree of consolidation, universal male suffrage was accepted. The caciquismo system ensured its survival and perpetuation. The filters imposed by the system prevented potentially dynamic political forces from entering the political gear.
The parties were formed by small groups of prominent figures with great weight in the region of Extremadura and with identical interests to defend. Alongside these figures from the aristocracy appeared the wealthiest farmers. Therefore, an important part of the agrarian oligarchy of Extremadura chose the political vocation.
Below these were placed elected local chiefs. The turno system of conservatives and liberals worked until the crisis of the dynastic parties introduced a dispersal of the vote. Extremadura Regionalism tried to create a regional consciousness. This movement did not stop being a minority, limited to environments of the weak bourgeoisie, but away from the interests of the masses. The character who best embodied Extremadura regionalism was Antonio Norberto Elviro Berdeguer, who during the Second Republic leaned towards socialist ideology.
Below these were placed elected local chiefs.
The system of rigged elections, moreover, fed the intense political demobilization of the region, evidenced by the high level of abstentions but also fidelity to power. The turno system of conservatives and liberals worked until the crisis of the dynastic parties introduced a dispersal of the vote. Externally, only Republicans in the province of Badajoz got some token representation.
Extremadura Regionalism tried to create a regional consciousness in Extremadura. This movement did not stop being a minority, limited to environments of the weak bourgeoisie, but away from the interests of the masses. The character who best embodied Extremadura regionalism was Antonio Norberto Elviro Berdeguer, a doctor born in Salorino. During the Second Republic, he leaned towards socialist ideology, and at the beginning of the Civil War, he remained in his village where he was arrested.
Economic Changes in Extremadura After the Carlist War
The Carlist War had an enormous impact on the region. The economy and society felt its effects down to their foundations. Fear was felt by the peasants who stayed in the countryside for fear of the factions, which led to the abandonment of farming activities.
The reality of the Extremadura economy was determined by the system of land ownership, defined by the presence of large or amortized assets related to the power of the nobility, the Church, the municipalities, and the neighborhoods. There was a lack of sizable properties and a very modest number of owners with very small surfaces, and very broad segments of the population without any land.
As soon as the liberal system was installed, comprehensive reports on the state of the economy began to be produced, outlining the treatment that could be applied.
The interest of liberals in promoting agriculture prompted them to create the establishment of banks for relief.
The regeneration of the livestock sector prompted the Liberals to enact provisions for the promotion of livestock, protecting them from pests, diseases, etc.
Industry had not moved beyond the craft field and barely covered the minimum requirements for materials and tools for agricultural or domestic service, the only industries in the region.
Mining was in a complete state of disrepair.
Trade was paralyzed by poor communications.
Trade received a major boost with the improvement of road infrastructure. Zafra benefited the most from this progress.