Spain in the 1960s: Economic Growth and Political Repression
The 1960s brought a period of economic, cultural, and educational development, along with a greater openness of thinking in Spain. However, the repression of the Francoist dictatorship remained unchanged.
Economic Development and Urbanization
The 1959 Development Plan was highly successful. Between 1960 and 1969, both the Spanish Internal Gross Product and per capita income doubled. This economic growth brought Spain closer to the economic level of other European states.
Several factors contributed to this Spanish economic development:
- A favorable international economic situation.
- Increased investment of foreign capital, attracted by a cheap labor force.
- Significant income generated by tourism, as foreign tourists were drawn to Spain’s attractions and low prices.
- A readily available labor force, which facilitated the creation of new companies.
- State investment in public works.
However, this “miraculous growth” was unbalanced and sowed the seeds for future problems:
- Sectoral disequilibrium: Industry and the service sector flourished, while agriculture declined.
- Rural exodus: Large numbers of people migrated from rural areas to cities in search of industrial jobs.
- Poor state-provided benefits: Healthcare, pensions, and transportation remained inadequate.
- Unjust tax system: The tax system was unfair, and tax evasion by the wealthy was rampant.
Foreign Relations: The Attempt to Enter the European Market
The European Economic Community (EEC) was established in 1957. The Spanish regime’s initial response was one of outward disdain, but internally, there was a clear interest in joining.
While Franco and his ministers displayed a dismissive attitude, groups like Opus Dei were keenly aware of the potential benefits of EEC membership for Spain.
In 1962, the Spanish government submitted its application to join the European Community. However, the European Parliament rejected the application due to Spain’s non-democratic system.
Opposition Against the Regime: New Social Movements
As the economy grew, citizens began demanding democracy. When Spain applied to join the European Community, opposition to Franco’s regime intensified.
In 1962, around 100 opponents of the regime convened in Munich, Germany, where they signed a declaration denouncing the lack of democracy in Spain. Despite the Communist Party’s absence from the meeting, Franco labeled the Munich Pact a “Marxist manipulation.”
From the 1960s onward, strikes and worker protests became increasingly common. Workers’ representatives infiltrated the official vertical unions and began voicing various demands. In 1962, the Workers’ Commissions (CCOO) were established and quickly emerged as the most influential union in major industries.
The Catholic Church also denounced the lack of freedom. The Bishops’ Assembly criticized the Francoist union system and advocated for free trade unions. Additionally, nationalist sentiments against Franco strengthened, leading to the formation of ETA in 1959.
Franco’s Response: Political Inflexibility
Franco disliked the term “constitution” and preferred to speak of “institutions.”
In 1959, the Law of Public Order was enacted to suppress opposition to the regime. This law led to the creation of the Tribunal for Public Order (TOP), a special court tasked with prosecuting political crimes. Political party and union leaders faced harsh sentences, universities were shut down, and prison terms became commonplace.
In 1966, Franco introduced the Law of Organic Democracy, which placed all political rights under the control of the “Organ” (family, council, union). This law effectively prohibited universal suffrage and rejected liberalism, parliamentarianism, and the existence of other political parties.
End of the Dictatorship (1969-1975)
The final years of Francoism were marked by mounting problems and an increasingly vocal desire for freedom. Citizens demanded changes not only in the economy but also in the political system.
Over time, mobilizations against the regime gained momentum, reflecting a growing yearning for a democratic society. While those close to Franco sought to ensure the regime’s survival after his death, the democratic opposition grew stronger and intensified its efforts against the dictatorship.
Opposition Strength
Banned unions gained strength and focused on achieving union and political freedom. Workers’ strikes became a regular occurrence.
In the 1960s, Dolores Ibarruri and Santiago Carrillo emerged as leaders of the Communist Party, which became a primary target of the Socio-Political Brigade (Franco’s secret police).
Church Opposition
In 1973, the bishops sought to revise the 1953 Concordat, leading to a growing rift between the state and the Church. Several priests were imprisoned for their opposition to the regime. A segment of the Church actively worked to support those in need.
Burgos Trial
Violent actions by armed groups, particularly ETA, became more frequent. In 1970, the Burgos trial saw several ETA members tried for a series of terrorist attacks, with six facing the death penalty.
The trial sparked strikes, demonstrations, and protests in the Basque Country and other Spanish cities. Even the bishops appealed for clemency.
The State responded by declaring a state of emergency, restricting individual freedoms, and imposing fines and penalties. The repression generated trauma not only in the Basque Country but also among the general public. From that point forward, Franco faced intense opposition, particularly in the Basque Country.