Spain: From Dictatorship to Democracy (1939-1978)
The Franco Regime (1939-1950)
Following the Spanish Civil War, General Franco consolidated power, establishing a single party system based on the “Traditionalist Spanish Falange de las JONS.” This fascist, conservative, and anti-socialist party’s ideology was reflected in the “Labour Law.” Franco, as “Generalissimo,” held all legislative and executive power. Domestic policy was based on “national syndicalism,” maintaining a form of capitalism while suspending the Statutes of Autonomy. Government positions were appointed by Franco, representing various factions: Falange, Carlists, Catholics, Military, and Conservative professionals. The existing labor unions were replaced with a single “vertical union,” controlling wages and eliminating the right to strike. A social security system was developed from 1942.
A shift in the political system began with laws like the Law of Courts (1942) and the Jurisdiction of the Spanish (1943), which slightly reduced the totalitarian nature of the Labour Law. The Municipal Law (1945) established mechanisms for local councils, and the Referendum Act (1945) introduced limited direct voting. The Act of Succession to the Head of State (1947) declared Spain a kingdom, reserving Franco’s leadership for life and granting him the power to choose his successor. This led to rejection from monarchists, particularly Juan de Borbón.
This “Basic Democracy” differed significantly from liberal democracies. Censorship restricted freedom of expression and association, with the National Movement as the sole political organization. Political power was controlled by Franco, and access to political office was solely through government appointment.
During World War II, Spain maintained theoretical neutrality while supporting the Axis powers. Due to Spain’s ruined state, its leaders knew full collaboration was impossible. Exorbitant demands for German aid discouraged Hitler’s interest in Spanish participation. Spain also relied on essential food and oil supplies from the US and UK, which would have been denied if neutrality wasn’t maintained. However, Franco shifted from neutrality (1939) to non-belligerence (1940), allowing collaboration with the Axis. After Germany invaded the Soviet Union, Spain sent the “Blue Division” to fight, straining relations with the Allies. Following Axis defeats, Spain reverted to strict neutrality and repatriated the Blue Division.
International Isolation and the Cold War (1951-1959)
The Franco regime faced international condemnation due to its similarity to the defeated fascist powers. This resulted in external isolation, with Spain denied entry to the UN. The UN condemned the dictatorship, leading many countries to withdraw ambassadors. Only Argentina, Ireland, Portugal, Switzerland, and the Holy See maintained embassies. Franco responded with a patriotic propaganda campaign rejecting foreign interference. With the rise of the Cold War, Spain’s anti-communist stance facilitated its reintegration into international politics, with Western embassies reopening.
The regime’s international standing improved with the lifting of the UN veto in 1950, restored US diplomatic relations in 1951, and Spain’s entry into FAO and UNESCO. In 1953, the US established military bases in Spain in exchange for aid. The Concordat with the Holy See strengthened the Catholic Church’s position. These steps culminated in Spain joining the UN.
Domestically, the Stabilization Plan (1959) marked a shift away from autarky. While economically successful, it remained socially repressive. Anti-Franco movements emerged, leading to protests and strikes, notably the “tram strike” in Barcelona. The University of Madrid protests in 1956 resulted in a state of emergency and further restrictions on rights. These events led to the formation of the People’s Liberation Front (“FELIPE”).
A government crisis in 1957 saw the appointment of figures like Admiral Carrero Blanco and Laureano López Rodó (Opus Dei). These “technocrats” prioritized pragmatism over ultraconservative ideology. The Law on National Movement’s Fundamental Principles (1958) reaffirmed Spain’s status as a Catholic monarchy but cracks began to appear. Varied opposition groups emerged, from radical revolutionaries to moderate advocates of liberal democracy. The student movement continued its protests. Illegal political parties and groups became more active, and new opposition groups like ETA (1959) emerged. Opposition also arose from within the National Movement, led by monarchists. Illegal worker unions like CCOO challenged the Vertical Union, and revolutionary ideological currents gained support. Dissent also emerged within the Catholic clergy.
Repression and Reform (1960-1974)
Facing internal pressures, the regime adopted a two-faced approach. Reforms included the Law on Collective Agreements, the 1966 Press Law (which “abolished” censorship), the Organic Law of the State (allowing partial direct election of deputies), and the Religious Freedom Act (1967). The Education Act (1970) aimed to reduce class disparities in primary education.
However, anti-liberal aspects remained, including strict control over unions and student movements. 1972 saw the “Munich conspiracy,” where various opposition groups condemned the regime. Repression continued with the “1001 Process” against CCOO leaders. The Catholic Church became more critical, with Cardinal Vicente Enrique y Tarancón playing a key role. Franco responded to internal conflicts with harsh repression, symbolized by the Public Order Tribunal (TOP).
In 1969, Juan Carlos de Borbón was appointed Franco’s successor. In 1972, he was designated to assume leadership upon Franco’s death. Admiral Carrero Blanco’s appointment as Prime Minister in 1973 aimed to ensure the system’s continuity, but he was assassinated by ETA in December 1973. This led to political instability, increased opposition, and more terrorist activity. The government under Carlos Arias Navarro sought a path towards broader social inclusion, known as “The spirit of February 12” (1974).
Transition to Democracy (1975-1978)
Between 1974 and 1975, Arias Navarro’s government attempted an “opening” with the Statute of Political Associations. However, hardline elements within the regime (“The Bunker”) opposed these reforms. Opposition groups formed the Democratic Junta of Spain and the National Platform of Democratic Convergence, demanding amnesty, freedom of association, and a Constituent Cortes.
Terrorism escalated, prompting the government’s anti-terrorism law and the execution of ETA and FRAP members in September 1975, despite international condemnation. After Franco’s death in November 1975, the first steps towards democracy were taken under Arias. Adolfo Suárez’s government launched the Political Reform Act (July 1976), approved in November. Negotiations between the government and opposition led to the legalization of political parties, the dissolution of the Public Order Tribunal, a political amnesty, and the legalization of the Communist Party. Labor unions began to operate publicly, and the Law on Freedom of Association (April 1977) was published. The electoral law was published, and free elections for the Constituent Cortes were called, marking the end of the dictatorship and the beginning of Spain’s transition to democracy.