Franco’s Regime: Spain’s Political Evolution 1938-1975
Establishment of a Totalitarian System
The new political regime was established as a totalitarian system in which all powers were concentrated in the Head of State, General Franco. It was based on the existence of a single party, *FET de las JONS*. It was inspired by the fascist states of Germany and Italy but, since 1945, had changed without losing its totalitarian nature. It was difficult to define a model strictly. The will was apparently dictatorial from the dismantling of all the institutions of the Republican era, such as the abolition of the Constitution of 1931, the prohibition of political parties and trade unions, or the abolition of statutes of autonomy for Catalonia and the Basque Country. The dictatorship attempted to give an image of legality with the promulgation of a series of Fundamental Laws, which did not end until 1967 with the enactment of the Organic Law of the State.
Institutionalizing the System
In January 1938, the real task of constructing or institutionalizing the system began. Franco headed the National Council and appointed the chairman of its Policy Board. The new statutes of *FET de las JONS* in July 1939 gave the *Caudillo* almost absolute power. The political structure and doctrine that underpinned the Francoist state was called the National Movement. The structure was completed with the establishment of *Cortes*, which had nothing to do with genuine democratic representation. All representatives at the Courts were appointed by the power, and among them were the ministers, members of the National Council of *FET de las JONS*, and the Trade Union Organization. Prosecutors were also “born” by reason of their office, as were mayors of major cities and university rectors. This system was called “organic democracy.” Justice disappeared as an independent power and remained subordinate to the executive. In terms of land, it was conveyed by the civil governors of each province. The military structure of the Captaincy General was also reestablished. Another great power was the Vertical Unions. The Trade Union Unity Act, enacted in 1940, established that employers and employees would be integrated into a single union for each industry.
Stance on World War II and International Isolation
As for its stance on the Second World War, when the conflict was triggered, Spain was neutral, although its strategic position was of great importance for both sides. Having recently emerged from the Civil War, the country could not engage in another. But it also held the possibility of belonging to the side that was supposed to win and obtaining advantages for Spain. Franco then had a series of interviews with Hitler and Mussolini. The entry of Spain into the war did not occur, although Spain was changed from neutral country status to non-belligerent in 1941. When, in October 1943, the war seemed to become unfavorable for the Axis, Spain abandoned non-belligerence to turn back to neutrality. The Allies saw with disgust Germany’s support of Franco. The two major international hits for the regime were non-admission to the UN and the declaration of the Conference of the Allies. Between 1945 and 1946, Franco was isolated. In December 1946, the UN recommended that all countries withdraw their ambassadors from Spain. The political and economic cooperation boycotted Spain’s isolation in the international context. Since 1947, the phase of the Cold War was initiated. Franco’s role as a champion of anti-communism became more interesting for the U.S. and Britain. Although there was no compensation, their international presence began to be seen with more interest from anti-communist powers. That was when one of the great propagandists of the regime, Luis de Galinsoga, gave Franco the name “Sentinel of the West.” In 1950, Spain was admitted to international organizations such as FAO and UNESCO. It was the end of isolation and recommended the return of UN ambassadors, allowing membership in this organization in 1955. Earlier, in 1953, the regime signed a new concordat with the Holy See and treaties with the U.S. military. That ensured the regime a future of international peace.
Economic Reorientation and Development
Franco decided to remodel the government in 1951. It was characterized by being a combination of Falangists and Catholics. In the 1957 reshuffle, men from the Opus Dei Catholic institution came as ministers, the so-called technocrats. The regime’s policy was to undergo a significant change, which would initiate a reorientation of economic policy based on the abandonment of autarky, domestic liberalization, and opening to the outside. The corrective action that followed was called the Stabilization Plan. The liberalization program was launched, and she added the plans of Economic and Social Development. Two major lines of action were undertaken: structural measures and the creation of development poles. Its greatest interest lay in the private sector to provide infrastructure and basic products that allowed industrial growth in the context of the favorable international economic climate. Industry and services were consolidated as core activities of the Spanish economy. Productivity improved, which led to lower prices, and this led to increases in exports. Wages were also increased, leading to increased demand for consumer goods.
Succession and the Path to Transition
The Organic Law of the State, approved by referendum, was the cornerstone of the institutionalization of the regime. It clarified the functions of state bodies, amended provisions of other laws, and introduced innovations such as the separation between the Head of State and government-controlled election or provincial prosecutors. In 1969, Franco appointed Juan Carlos de Borbón as his successor, with the title of Prince of Spain: continuity passed by a monarchy based on Francoist legality.
The Final Crisis and the Road to Democracy
The turning point in the final crisis of the regime opened with the disappearance of the Deputy Prime Minister, Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco, the victim of an attack by ETA on December 20, 1973. The regime’s reaction to this crisis made two groups more clearly political within it: the immobilists and the *aperturistas* or reformers. In January 1974, a new government headed by Carlos Arias Navarro announced a limited reform of the dictatorship. In his speech on February 12, 1974, he promised a new city law, increased the power of court attorneys and trade union reforms, and a new law on political associations. But it soon became clear that the regime was incapable of democratization. It triggered a dynamic in which, with Franco seriously ill, the Arias Navarro government tilted towards political paralysis. The opening will not be imposed and managed to turn the government. Outside the regime, opposition groups were involved not only in the street to show their positions in favor of democratization of the country but also to set up unified policy agencies.
Franco’s Death and the End of an Era
Throughout 1974 and 1975, Franco’s disease prevented him from entering government, and Prince Juan Carlos had to exert leadership on several occasions in the interim of the state, but with no power. In 1975, a new Anti-Terrorism Act was promulgated. There was then the last great wave of international protest against Franco and the Spanish situation. In addition, the government was confronted with the Sahara conflict. In 1973, the Sahrawi Polisario had been created. Spain opted to accept decolonization and allow a self-determination referendum in the territory. The King of Morocco held in October, during the agony of Franco, the so-called Green March, a peaceful invasion of the territory. Spain decided to give in, and on November 14, signed the Madrid Agreement involving the delivery of the Sahara to Morocco and Mauritania. On November 20, 1975, after a long agony, Franco died at age 83, leaving an anachronistic regime in deep crisis. The sense of insecurity and uncertainty about the future political and relief in power were great.