Franco’s Regime: Political Evolution and International Relations
Political Developments of Franco’s Regime
A few months after the conclusion of the Spanish Civil War, World War II began, which would be decisive in Franco’s politics. During World War II (1939-1945), Spain maintained friendship with the fascist powers, as their aid had been crucial in the Civil War, and the Regime shared a similar ideology. When the war began, the Spanish government declared itself neutral, knowing that the country was not able to participate in a new war. The fascist side’s initial victories pushed for Spain’s integration into the conflict.
Franco held interviews with Hitler and Mussolini. They discussed a series of compensations for Spain’s entry into the war: economic aid, armaments, and territorial expansion. The German dictator considered the price too high, and Spain did not enter the war. Spain changed its status to a non-belligerent country in 1941 and sent the Blue Division to the Soviet Union front, volunteer troops to fight alongside the Germans against communism. In October 1943, as the war turned unfavorable for the Axis powers, Spain returned to neutrality. Franco withdrew the Blue Division, and Serrano Suñer was removed from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, this did not prevent the Allies’ condemnation at the end of the war.
International Isolation (1945-1953)
After the Second World War, the worst times for the regime began. Due to its support for the Axis powers, an “international siege” of the dictatorship occurred. At the Potsdam Conference, it was declared that the Spanish government was a product of the Axis and intended to dismantle it by peaceful means. There was a manifest desire for the restoration of the monarchy on the outside and an increase in guerrilla warfare (maquis) in the interior. The most delicate moment was in December 1946 when the UN recommended that all countries withdraw their ambassadors from Spain. Only Argentina, Portugal, and the Vatican remained.
The government responded by encouraging xenophobic attitudes through official propaganda, but the political and economic boycott isolated Spain. However, from 1947, the Cold War began between Western democracies, led by the U.S., and the communist countries, led by the Soviet Union. This period was marked by competition between the two superpowers, which would never directly confront each other because they both had nuclear weapons. In this international context, the U.S. was willing to support an anti-communist dictatorship like Franco’s. In 1950, Spain was admitted to agencies such as FAO and UNESCO. The UN lifted its veto on the Franco regime, and ambassadors returned to Madrid, allowing Spain’s return to that body in 1955. It was the end of isolation.
Opening Up (1953-1959)
In 1953, the regime achieved two major triumphs: the signing of a concordat with the Holy See, strengthening the alliance with the Church, and military treaties signed with the U.S., by which Franco offered to establish U.S. military bases in Spain. In return, Spain would receive military aid and participate in the Marshall Plan (U.S. financial aid granted to the democratic countries of Western Europe for rebuilding after World War II), but most importantly, the alliance with the great superpower ensured the Franco regime’s peace of mind.
A new government had been established in 1951. In the new cabinet, Falangists still maintained power, along with the military (Luis Carrero Blanco), but Catholics gained greater weight. The received financial aid did not prevent the chaotic economic situation, and worker and student protests occurred. This economic and social situation forced Franco to make a new change of government in 1957, in which the so-called technocrats from Opus Dei entered. They abandoned the policy of autarky, liberalized the market, and opened up to foreign markets, while maintaining the dictatorial nature of the regime.
Persistence of the Regime (1959-1973)
Franco attempted to modernize by opening up. It was necessary to modernize the institutions to channel the growing discrepancies between the “families” of the regime, especially between Falangists and technocrats.