Francoist Spain (1959-1975)
Franco’s Reformism and the Paralysis of Government Technocrats
The rise of Carrero Blanco in the political sphere led to the strengthening of Opus Dei-linked technocrats within the government and the marginalization of the regime’s traditional families. Successive governments incorporated technocratic ministers, such as Ullastres and López Rodó, alongside young reformers like Manuel Fraga Iribarne from the Falangist movement. The objective of these governments was to promote economic development and pursue a policy of renewal.
Their program was based on the belief that economic prosperity and social peace would compensate for the lack of freedoms and political participation in Spanish society. Through “desarrollismo” (developmentalism), Franco aimed to consolidate reforms and improve social welfare, thereby modernizing the image of the dictatorship without altering its undemocratic nature. Prosperity was seen as a substitute for democracy.
Reforms
In 1963, the Public Order Court was established to handle political crimes within the civil jurisdiction. Although this did not signify a reduction in repression, the creation of this court aimed to soften the external image of the dictatorship, which was facing criticism due to the execution of the communist Julián Grimau.
The Social Security Act of 1963 expanded social security coverage mechanisms under the state (including health insurance), marking the beginning of a true welfare state, albeit delayed compared to Europe. The tax system allowed for widespread unionization. In vertical union elections, candidates not aligned with the Franco regime and promoted by unions achieved notable success.
In 1966, Fraga Iribarne, the Minister of Tourism, promoted the Press Law, which abolished prior censorship and permitted the publication of new periodicals and previously banned books.
In 1967, the Religious Freedom Law recognized the equality of all religions and freedom of practice. The State Organic Law introduced changes to some fundamental laws, refining their language and fascist rhetoric. It reaffirmed the monarchical institution of the regime and sought to secure the future, as Franco famously stated, “everything is tied up and well tied up.”
In 1969, with the Succession Law, Franco designated Juan Carlos de Borbón, son of Juan de Borbón, as his successor with the title of Prince of Spain. This led to increased tensions between technocrats and Falangists. The former supported the monarchical succession represented by Juan Carlos de Borbón, while the latter attempted to promote institutions within the Movement to guarantee the continuity of the regime. The appointment of the Prince ended the aspirations of Juan de Borbón, who held the legitimacy of the monarchy but was distrusted by Franco due to his earlier statements in favor of a democratic political system in Spain.
International Relations
In the 1960s, Spain sought membership in the European Community but was denied as only democratic regimes could be admitted. However, in 1970, a preferential agreement was signed, reducing tariffs and encouraging Spanish industrial exports.
Spain participated in the process of African decolonization. In 1956, France agreed to recognize the independence of the French protectorate zone in Morocco. Spain was forced to withdraw from Morocco the same year. Later, independence was granted to Equatorial Guinea, and the territory of Ifni was ceded to Morocco. The remnants of the Spanish empire in Africa were limited to Western Sahara, which was retained until 1975.
The Triumph of Immobility
The conflict between “aperturistas” (those favoring openness) and “inmovilistas” (those favoring immobility) erupted following the Matesa scandal, involving a textile machinery company connected to Opus Dei circles. The company engaged in financial fraud related to the export of textile machinery, and allegations of corruption implicated high-ranking members of the regime. The scandal was exposed by the press, and “inmovilista” sectors within the government blamed the opening of information fostered by the Press Act for contributing to a campaign of discredit.
The Matesa scandal had significant political implications, leading to the expulsion of technocrat sectors from the government, who were also held responsible for the rise in social protests. The new vice president of the government, Carrero Blanco, advocated for tightening the regime’s internal policies and modifying the Press Law.
Some crimes were reinstated, and the state of exception became a common recourse to suppress protests. Military trials, detentions, and police violence increased. The Burgos trial, with the prosecutor’s request for death sentences against six ETA members, triggered widespread popular and international protests.
Internal tensions regarding the continuation of Franco’s regime favored the “inmovilista” positions of Carrero Blanco, who was supported by the dictator himself and obtained approval to restrict the application of the Press Act.