Franco Regime: Origins, Evolution, and Opposition in Spain
Franco Regime: Origins and Nature
The Franco regime was the political and social system born during the Spanish Civil War. It arose from the need for rebel soldiers to equip themselves with a single command, an administrative structure parallel to Republican legislation, and an executive power that was both unparliamentary and undemocratic. This framework was based on the political ideology of the single party, known as the Movement. The rebels found their sole command in the figure of Francisco Franco until his death in 1975. The ideology of the regime identified with the thinking of the conservative and authoritarian right-wing of interwar Europe.
Features of the Ideology
- Rejection of contemporary bourgeois society and nostalgia for past stages in which Spain triumphed. Felipe II was compared to Franco, who was considered to be leading a new crusade against liberals (Masons), non-Catholics (Jews), and Marxists (Communists).
- Aversion to liberal political institutions and parliamentary democracy.
- Harsh repression of Marxism, Communism, and the labor movement. Death sentences against leftist activists lasted until the end of the regime.
- A fervent nationalism and xenophobia combined with a more conservative Catholicism.
Evolution of Policy and Political Situation
One can speak of an early Franco period and a later Franco period, separated by the end of 1959.
The Construction of the Regime (1939-1951)
The early Franco period can be divided into two phases: before and after the 1951 protests that forced the regime to abandon autarky and isolationism.
The Prevalence of Serrano Súñer: Support for Fascism
Between 1938 and 1942, the most relevant figure of the regime was Ramón Serrano Súñer. This politician was commissioned to design a state with a Fascist or National Syndicalist tint. In addition to Serrano Súñer, during this time, ministers of the various factions or families of the regime were combined, although the Falangist and military factions predominated. Catholics also participated, albeit in the minority.
The outreach of the regime during the Second World War took shape in a posture of belligerence that, in reality, was support for Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The Franco government provided strategic raw materials, cooperated in the invasion of the Soviet Union with the Blue Division, and led raids on Gibraltar. Spain agreed to enter the conflict in November 1940 after Franco’s interview with Hitler in Hendaye, but this action was postponed. Since 1942, Serrano Súñer left the government and lost influence. Franco adopted a more neutral international stance.
The Rise of Catholics: International Isolation
Since 1945, coinciding with the end of World War II and the triumph of the Allies, the political influence of Catholics in Franco’s governments increased. The regime sought to gain favor with the victorious Allies and international opinion. A National-Catholic stage was initiated, during which Luis Carrero Blanco began to emerge as a strongman of the regime. The Falangists were sidelined. Legislative work was done to give the new constitutional rule a legal framework that would legitimize it and equate it with other European states.
Fundamental Laws
- Act of Constitution of the Cortes (1942): Established a consultative assembly composed of delegates. Corporate democracy was called organic.
- The Jurisdiction of the Spanish (1945): Collected fundamental rights and duties granted by the dictator.
- National Referendum Act (1945): Foresaw the possibility of a referendum.
- Law of Succession to the Head of State (1947): Stated that Spain was a kingdom and included the indeterminate promise of restoration.
After 1945, Franco’s Spain underwent a period of international isolation. The regime was condemned by the UN, and ambassadors left the country, which was blocked diplomatically and economically. Subsequently, the international context of the Cold War and anti-communism led the U.S. to approach the Franco regime. In economic terms, the early Franco period was characterized by a rigid policy of state intervention that sought autarky. The severe shortage of almost all products raised the first social protests and strikes (1951).
The Consolidation of the Regime (1951-1959)
Some aspects of the self-sufficient and isolationist policy were phased out. The Stabilization Plan was launched, and U.S. President Eisenhower visited Spain, symbolizing the satellization of Spain by the U.S.
Identity Traits of the 1950s
- The Catholic trend grew. It was represented by members of the ACNP (National Catholic Association of Propagandists). Carrero Blanco was consolidated as Franco’s right-hand man.
- There were political changes. In 1956, there were university protests that forced Franco to make a new change. Catholic ministers were known as technocrats. This group, headed by Laureano López Rodó, designed the Stabilization Plan of 1959. Carrero Blanco was convening a group of influence of a monarchical character that displaced Falangists from power.
- Increased economic liberalization. The repressive line in the social and political fields was maintained. Institutionalization of the regime was also completed with the Principles of the National Movement Law.
- The opening to the outside. In September 1953, Spain signed a series of pacts with the U.S. and was economically and militarily integrated into the strategic plans of that power. The agreements allowed the U.S. to build military bases. In return, Franco obtained economic and military security for his regime. Spain was admitted to the UN in 1955. In 1953, the Holy See signed a concordat that enshrined the denominational Spanish State: religion was compulsory in schools, religious marriage was the only valid form, etc.
Late Francoism and Development (1959-1973)
There was a vertiginous, though unbalanced, economic growth and increased political opposition. Institutional inertia and repression were maintained. This contrasted with the rapid economic and social changes that were taking place in Spain.
The regime’s political activity appeared more moderate to ensure its continuity. The Organic Law of the State (1967) was enacted, voted in a referendum in 1966, and designed to shape Spain after Franco’s death. Fraga promoted the Press and Printing Act (1966), which abolished prior censorship and replaced it with fines and suspensions of publications that were critical of the system. Juan Carlos was named as Franco’s successor.
The problems of Franco’s regime: The regime tightened its repression after 1967. The military was wary of any changes that might occur after the death of the dictator, and this group was called the “bunker” by the opposition. The split within the party regime was marked by the outbreak of the Matesa scandal (1969), which provoked a government crisis and the appointment of a homogeneous cabinet. The liberalization of the regime was arrested thereafter, resulting in a struggle between hardliners and those who favored opening up. Two events in 1973 stopped the regime’s changes:
- In the economic field, there was an international energy crisis.
- In the political field, the assassination of Carrero Blanco took place. He was Prime Minister at the time and the likely successor to the aging Franco.
The Agony of the Regime (1973-1975)
After the death of Carrero Blanco, Franco appointed a representative of the Franco regime’s hardliners as President of the Government: Carlos Arias Navarro. Following his appointment, López Rodó and the technocrats were removed from power. The new government, composed of ministers of Falangist extraction, was unable to reconcile some of its more open purposes. In November 1975, the dictator died, leaving behind a collapsing state.
The Problem of the Spanish Sahara
In 1975, Spain was the only surviving dictatorship in Western Europe. In October of that year, with an aging and ailing Franco, the King of Morocco, Hassan II, announced a “Green March” in which civilians were invited to invade the Spanish Sahara. The march began in November, and a very scared Franco government decided to abandon the colony in a shameful manner, giving it to Morocco and Mauritania (Madrid Agreement). The claims of Sahrawi independence were not taken into account.
Opposition to the Regime
The Opposition During the Early Franco Period
Resistance to the Franco government was very low during this period because the opposition was very disjointed: many were in exile or participated in guerrillas. The Franco regime never became a serious danger to Franco, as it had little chance of success against the powerful apparatus of repression under Franco.
Republicans in Exile
They were very disjointed and isolated from the Communists, despite being one of the most active groups against Franco. The division and weakness of the opposition prevented them from taking advantage of the international situation, which was favorable to Franco between 1944 and 1947.
The Bourbons
After the death of Alfonso XIII, the heir was his son, John of Bourbon. John chose to claim a transition to a constitutional monarchy, pushing Franco to reach an agreement to cede power. Following the adoption of the Civil Law, he resigned himself to having his son, Juan Carlos, educated in Spain under the principles of the Movement.
The Maquis
Guerrillas within Spain were led primarily by Communists and Anarchists. The struggle of the Maquis declined after 1952.
The Opposition in the 1950s
In the interior of Spain, the slow reconstruction of a real opposition began. It was expressed through social protest that was almost spontaneous and uncoordinated. Most of its members were integrated into the system, and in other cases, they were part of the opposition made up of the children of the regime. The main opposition center was established inside the country and not in exile.
The University
The first significant conflict began between the SEU (Spanish University Union) and the students who rejected it. Labor strikes were sometimes accompanied by popular boycotts. Prominent among these were the strikes of 1951, which began in Barcelona, and the “white strike” in Madrid.
The Big Wave: Radicalization and Terrorism
From the mid-1960s, political and social opposition to the regime increased, and new forms of struggle emerged, especially in the interior of the country. Among those who opposed the regime, the presence of the revolutionary left and extremist terrorism intensified.
Labor Protest
Labor protest began to be channeled through unions not recognized by the regime. The most important was CCOO (Workers’ Commissions), which emerged between 1962 and 1966. Workers’ strikes, which had been exceptional, became everyday occurrences after 1967. CCOO approached the PCE (Communist Party of Spain), giving birth to the strongest labor opposition. The USO (Workers’ Trade Union) stood out for its centrist Christian orientation. The UGT (General Union of Workers) did not recover some of its influence until 1976.
University Protest
The conflict flared up again in 1965, forcing the government to declare a state of emergency in 1969. In addition, students who opposed the regime found the support of many teachers. The university opposition increasingly identified with left-wing organizations and rejected the PCE and the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), whom they considered revisionist and reformist parties.
Neighborhood and Citizen Movements
Clandestine neighborhood associations were concentrated in the working-class neighborhoods and suburbs of big cities like Madrid and Barcelona. They began by demanding basic infrastructure but ended up demanding democracy and change.
The Traditional Political Opposition
The traditional political opposition was renewed from within the country. The PCE was led by Santiago Carrillo. It was very successful and promoted class unity against Franco and national reconciliation. The new leaders moved the direction of the PSOE to Spain and elected Felipe González as their leader. Both parties led several unitary democratic coalitions of the opposition: the Democratic Junta and the Democratic Convergence Platform.
The Growth of Terrorism
The terrorist organization ETA (Basque Homeland and Liberty) was the most important. This organization turned to radical independence and Leninism, and carried out assassinations, kidnappings, and blackmail of businessmen. Other left-wing terrorist organizations emerged, such as FRAP (Revolutionary Antifascist Patriotic Front) and GRAPO (First of October Anti-Fascist Resistance Groups). The extreme right held constant provocations and attacks.