Democratization’s Realities and Economic Disparity

Democratization’s Complex Path: Challenging Five Assumptions

The transition from dictatorship to democracy is often fraught with challenges, defying common assumptions. This section examines five prevalent misconceptions about the democratization process.

1. From Dictatorship to Full Democracy?

The first assumption posits that any country with a dictatorship opposed by the majority of people can transition to a future democracy. However, many countries that moved away from dictatorships do not experience full democracy but only elements of it, often leading to alternative directions such as feckless pluralism or dominant-party politics, as seen in countries like Congo and Moldova.

2. A Step-by-Step Democratic Transition?

The second assumption suggests that the process of adopting democracy takes place in a linear, step-by-step fashion. According to the author, however, democratic transition is not only slow but also follows its own unique path, not necessarily a step-by-step formula. In addition, institutional changes, such as the development of media and political parties, are also irregular. This is evident in cases like Taiwan, South Korea, and Mexico.

3. Do Elections Guarantee Equal Democracy?

The third assumption is that elections inherently guarantee full democracy. Yet, Carothers proclaims that voting and elections do not necessarily represent full democracy. There are countries that have both, but people’s involvement in politics often ends at voting, with no further participation in governmental processes. This is a characteristic of feckless pluralism, as seen in countries like Nepal and Bolivia.

4. Democracy Without Prerequisites?

The fourth assumption suggests that any country can transition into democracy without prerequisites. However, the author argues that there are indeed requirements for moving towards democracy. These include the economic system, wealth, governmental structures, the ruling class, and other factors that determine the speed and difficulty of democratization. Examples include post-Communist states and countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

5. Democracy Automatically Redesigns Institutions?

The last assumption is that adopting democracy will automatically transform existing institutions into efficient democratic ones. However, the author points out that adopting democracy does not automatically lead to the redesign of state institutions; rather, each entity requires separate but equal attention, time, and resources. This is evident in countries of the former Soviet Union, such as those from former Yugoslavia, and decolonized nations in sub-Saharan Africa after the 1990s.

Economic Inequality: Constructive vs. Destructive

Traditional ‘textbook’ economics often encourages a form of inequality, positing that individuals have opportunities to compete for resources and are rewarded based on their hard work. Nancy Birdsall emphasizes that inequality should matter for a country because it can slow economic growth, lead to inaccurate economic policies, and deter the assimilation of the disenfranchised into everyday social and political life.

She refers to ‘textbook’ economics’ inequality as ‘constructive’ inequality, while ‘destructive’ inequality is characterized by a lack of equal opportunities for everyone, typically limited to the privileged rich.

  • Constructive Inequality: ‘Textbook’ economics expects individuals to work hard for their own advancement and achieve social mobility, which can be upwards or downwards, and is often presented as a personal choice (e.g., one day a banker, the next a baker).
  • Destructive Inequality: In contrast, people in many poor countries lack opportunities to develop themselves and contribute to their country’s economic growth (e.g., aspiring to be a banker but born into poverty, limited to being a baker, and unable to even relocate).