Democratic Spain: From Dictatorship to Modernity
Item 18: Democratic Spain
1. The Transition to Democracy
The death of the dictator in November 1975 presented three policy options for the future:
- The first, led by the ultras (the “bunker”) of Franco (refugees in the National Movement, the vertical union, army, police, and other branches of government like the judiciary or the administration, and sectors of the Catholic Church and traditionalists), advocated for the pure and simple continuation of the dictatorship, using force and terror against the citizens and maintaining inherited institutions.
- The second choice intended to carry out some limited reforms and make up the dictatorship to avoid international condemnation in a Europe where dictatorships were clearly anachronistic and try to disable the democratic opposition. This option, which in no way could be described as democratic, was led by long-time Francoists (Fraga, Cabanillas, Areilza, Martín Villa, etc.) who were more forward-thinking than the ultras because, knowing the needs of Spanish society, they wanted to change to save as much as possible.
- The last option was the breakdown to democracy advocated by the democratic parties, led by the PCE, the PSOE, the UGT, and CCOO trade unions, together with a multitude of political organizations like the Social and Democratic Board and the Democratic Platform, later merged into the popularly called “Platajunta,” with a great capacity to mobilize social support despite the secrecy and constant repression they were subjected to. The breakdown to democracy should be realized in the formation of an interim government without Francoists, amnesty for all political prisoners, recognition of the individuality of the nationalities and regions of Spain (statutes of autonomy), free elections to the Constituent Cortes, and the development of a constitution from which to normalize the country’s democratic life.
In the international and domestic circumstances existing in those years, none of the three options had the capacity and strength to be imposed on the others. The idea of maintaining the dictatorship by brute force, headed by the ultras and the Arias Navarro government, could not be imposed due to the unanimous and active rejection in Europe and by the vast majority of Spanish citizens. However, the mere existence of this sector willing to use violence (in fact, continuously used in murders, attacks on Democrats, brutal attacks on streets, factories, and universities, mass arrests of citizens, extremely violent police repression, and “saber-rattling”) struck fear in a country that strongly remembered the civil war and was not willing to repeat it. Therefore, the democratic opposition, which had vast social and international support, preferred positions closer to the Francoist reformers who, in the end, imposed in exchange for free game rules that hindered the future of Spanish democracy: amnesia about the crimes of the Franco regime, the refusal to hold accountable (even criminals and torturers), the imposition of reforms that were adopted by the Franco institutions, or acceptance of the monarchy restored by Franco assumed, in fact, leaving the control of political change in the hands of the old servants and beneficiaries of the dictatorship and to reassure the ultras and social groups that held them (the big banks, landlords, economic powers, the Church, the Army, etc.). But the truth is that this transition process, made with consensus among competing political forces, could be performed without excessive violence and produced a modern constitution that solved some of the most serious problems of our past (such as the territorial organization of the state and others) and devoted political pluralism, freedom, and democratic mechanisms for accessing and exercising power.
With the adoption of this Constitution in 1978, many analysts think the transition closed, but others prefer to take it to when the PSOE came to power in the elections in 1982. It is then that it was shown that in Spain a party that defended the Republic and who stood up to Franco during the civil war and the long dictatorship could govern. The arrival of a moderate left party to power in Spain permanently normalized the situation and put an end to the Democratic Transition.
Thus, although the model character of our transition to democracy is often emphasized, the truth is that it is not without serious flaws in origin, as other authors emphasize. But it is clear that the period has given way to the longest democratic history of Spain.
2. The 1978 Constitution and the Autonomous State
The first government of the monarchy was to continue as Juan Carlos I confirmed the ultra Arias Navarro as president. The response of the democratic opposition was grouped into a single organization called Democratic Coordination (March 1976), and they required social mobilization to encourage democratic breakdown, who were brutally repressed by the police, headed by Minister Manuel Fraga Iribarne (five workers shot dead in Vitoria, bloody repression in Madrid, Granada, Pamplona, Montejurra murders, and so on). This impasse led the king to dismiss Arias and appoint Adolfo Suárez as president (July 1976), former government minister and Secretary-General of the Movement, that is, a pure strain of Francoism that had made a career in the heat of dictatorship, but mindful of the need for substantive reforms to prevent the breakdown of democracy. In his government were the Francoist reformists who were clearly unable to maintain Francoism without Franco and were aware of the need to negotiate a solution with the opposition to maintain democratic control if the process did not slip from his hands.
That’s how we get to the Political Reform Act, which proposed a general election with universal suffrage and, thanks to the maneuvers of Suárez and Torcuato Fernández Miranda, was approved by the Francoist Cortes. This is explained by guarantees that the government gave them immunity for their past and the idea that neither the Communists nor CCOO would be legalized or could participate in elections (as it was feared a very favorable outcome of these political forces had strong social support for leading the fight for freedom, a fear that democratic parties shared, some much less active during the dictatorship) and the fact that in the situation that lived there was great confusion among the attorneys, and most were left convinced by the government. Once approved in Parliament, the bill was approved by referendum in December 1976, and its enactment marked the end of the Franco regime: the National Movement lost its political monopoly and began to be dismantled.
The reaction of the bunker, even as terrorist attacks, was swift: in January 1977, five lawyers associated with the PCE and CCOO were killed in their office. Similarly, the terrorist organization ETA and a faction that presented itself as leftist but whose origin is suspicious, GRAPO, kidnapped and murdered VIPs, military, police, and senior government officials.
Despite the severe tensions, the Suárez government acted quickly to legalize political parties and unions and allowed extensive freedom of speech and press to hold genuinely free elections. The last step in this direction was the legalization of the PCE, in Holy Week, 1977, a personal decision by Suárez that met with strong resistance from the extremists and military sectors. Legalizing the communists was an essential step to demonstrate that they wanted a true democracy, and this helped himself by working PCE policy of pressure and significant concessions, such as acceptance of the monarchy and the bicolor flag (instead of the tricolor, R). Several decrees allowed most political prisoners to leave the streets and the return of exiles, a process that was completed in October 1977 with the granting of general amnesty: the path of reconciliation had clearly started with all these decisions.
The first democratic elections were held in June 1977 and were won by the Union of Democratic Center (UCD), an electoral coalition founded by Adolfo Suárez. In second place was the PSOE and then, at a distance, the PCE and the Popular Alliance (founded by Fraga and brought together the Francoist possibilities). The nationalist parties (PNV, the most votes in the Basque country, and primarily Democratic Convergence of Catalonia) obtained good results, being without representation Fuerza Nueva, a right-wing movement led by Blas Piñar and the most conspicuous representatives of the bunker.
The first democratic government since the Republic immediately undertook two major tasks: developing a constitution and the economic and social reforms necessary to address the serious crisis that existed in those years (high inflation, falling production, high rates of unemployment, etc.), which was achieved with the signing of the Moncloa Pacts in October 1977. The agreement between parties, trade unions, and social organizations, consensus, presided over these issues was an essential and necessary condition to overcome the problems.
The 1978 Constitution was drafted by a commission composed of representatives from UCD (3), PSOE, PCE, and nationalist People’s Alliance (one per group) in a climate of understanding things much easier. On October 31, 1978, it was approved by Parliament on December 6 and by 88% of Spaniards in a referendum. On December 27, Juan Carlos I vowed, thus becoming a constitutional monarch.
According to the Constitution, Spain was established as a parliamentary monarchy, in a social and democratic state which recognizes high standards of human rights and individual and public freedoms, the right to self-government of the nationalities and regions (in some of which were already in pre-autonomous government institutions, pending the constitution), the division of powers, and in general all those issues that define modern democracies, including mechanisms for a possible constitutional reform. The consensus and the will to move forward without dogmatism allowed to find ways to tackle thorny issues such as those relating to nationality and the unity of Spain, the Establishment Clause of the State and religious pluralism in front of the National-Catholicism of old, the role of the Crown, or functions of the army. Despite the time elapsed since its adoption, the Constitution of 1978 continues to show its validity to regulate the social and political life of the Spanish, demonstrating the success that had in its development and democratic stability of our country.
Democratic normalization came to municipalities with municipal elections of 1979, in which the Left parties, especially the PSOE, gained control of major cities. In parallel, major reforms were carried out in tax, labor, and economics agreed upon in the Moncloa Pacts, developed some of the fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution, among them the right to education and civil marriage and divorce. While it is clear that a democratic state should act in this way, tax reform was opposed and braked by economic powers and a few wealthy classes used to not contribute to the overheads of the nation, and the right to public and secular education and civil marriage and divorce (and later the decriminalization of abortion in certain cases) was strongly opposed by a church used to exert power in the civil sphere that does not belong in a modern and democratic society.
3. The Community of Castilla y León
Leaving aside the regional precedent of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, very encouraged by the regeneration and peripheral nationalist reaction (Catalan and Basque in particular), we have to await the Second Republic and the Constitution of 1931 to, under its protection, see the resurgence of demand for autonomy, which resulted in the development of a draft Statute of Autonomy. This first attempt at self-government was liquidated, as in Spain, by the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship, whose idea of Spain did not fit even less diversity and autonomy. With the conquest of freedom during the transition, resurgent regionalism and nationalism in Spain, based on “differential facts” which will collect the 1978 Constitution, and in Castilla y León will be led by the Regional Institute and the Castilian-Leonese Regional Alliance of Castile and León. The absence of autonomous demand in our region, traditionally identified with the idea of Spain, and the possibilities to satisfy personal ambitions that opened with the regions, raised some serious problems in the locale, among which attempts to achieve autonomy by León and Segovia provinces arguing for differential historical facts (not accepted by historians) of these provinces in the rest of the region.
Based on Articles 143 (“slow pathway”) or 151 (“fast track” intended for historic communities, i.e., Catalonia, Euskadi, and Galicia, which was added by referendum Andalusia) in 1983 had been passed and all Statutes of Autonomy: Spain ceased to be the Central State and even opened in the eighteenth century to become a nation that provides a vast decentralized self-government of the nationalities and regions that comprise it. The launch of this new territorial organization of the State demanded the holding of elections for the autonomous parliaments and the appointment of their respective governments, which would address the legislative development and management skills, according to the Constitution, you were being transferred.
In Castilla y León, the first elections (1983) were won by the PSOE, who ruled until 1987, which were won by the Popular Party, which has continued winning the next election (including the last with its current leader, Juan Vicente Herrera). During these years, our community has gained new responsibilities of government to receive transfers constitutionally established, so that now broad discretion in Education, Culture, Health, Environment, and many other areas belong to the Castilian-Leonese institutions. The capital of the region was established in Valladolid, seat of the regional government and the courts, but other important government and administrative institutions have found their headquarters in other cities.
Currently, a statute almost fully developed, our region is facing major economic and social challenges that are difficult to solve, such as depopulation, aging, lack of suitable future employment for youth, delayed infrastructure communications, land conversion, and lack of industrial and clear lines of economic development. And this is the challenge that institutions, social and political forces, and in general the Castilian-Leonese people we meet jointly with our major human and material resources in the coming years.
4. Democratic Governance and European Integration
Approved the constitution, new elections were held in March 1979 with results similar to those of 1977, the UCD government, and fully democratic and constitutional crisis faced economic and social consequences of unemployment, inflation, and unrest, initiated legislative development of the Constitution and openly clashed with Francoists, who tried to force a coup to return to dictatorship, and terrorism of ETA and GRAPO. This delicate situation worsened as a result of internal strife of the ruling party where currents are faced by different amounts of power and influence.
Until the resignation of Adolfo Suárez and the 23F military coup of 1981, the government addressed the issue by recognizing territorial autonomy to the historic nationalities, restoring the Generalitat of Catalonia (with the return to Spain of Tarradellas, president of that institution in exile, therefore representative of republican legality), the General Council Basque, and Galician autonomic entity whose statutes were approved in 1979 and 1980. Later, the statutes of other communities were approved. There were also significant tax reforms, education, and civil law as described above.
Political tensions, terrorism of either sign, the military pressure, and discontent among powerful social sectors for reforms by the government steadily weakened, and at last, Suárez resigned to make way for a new government to be chaired by Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo. But in the inauguration session was a shameful assault on the Congress by a Civil Guard sector, led by Tejero, and the uprising of the army, led by General Milans del Bosch (who declared a “state of war” in Valencia, taking out tanks in the streets) and Navy. After several hours of uncertainty in which the positions of many generals and other senior military commanders and security forces were not at all clear, Juan Carlos I disavowed the action (he had used his name to convince some), ordered the return to the headquarters of the rebel troops, and managed to control the situation. Spain had again touched by the tragedy of a criminal action ultras unable to live in freedom. The coup had stopped, but the fear was installed in many policy areas, which explains that the new government approved, with support from the PSOE, a law limiting the autonomy (LOAPA, then disavowed in part by the Constitutional Court), and Spain joined NATO (with a mere simple majority of parliament).
The 1982 elections changed the political landscape for the victory with an absolute majority, the PSOE, the party that will remain in government until 1996 when it will give way to the governments of the People’s Party until 2004 when the PSOE returned to power. For the first time in many years, Spain was a fully democratic state in which the rotation of power takes place as a result of free elections.
The PSOE government headed by Felipe González undertook the task of economic modernization and administration, restructuring of the army and police, the extension of social rights (education, health, social security), and the full integration of Spain in Europe. The policy of industrial restructuring, privatization of public enterprises, and the withdrawal of state support to many productive activities while it was meant huge amounts of public money to rehabilitate the banking system triggered a sharp rise in unemployment and serious social conflicts which led to general strikes and started a rift between the ruling party and an important part of their social bases. But in parallel, the Socialists held a major tax reform that raised more and more justice, and, in turn, financed major social expenditures (education, health, pensions, unemployment benefits) and capital investments (roads, highways, AVE), culminating in 1992 with the Universal Exposition of Seville, the fifth anniversary of the discovery of America, and the Barcelona Olympics, which helped to show the world the new image of Spain.
As for European integration, the first steps occurred only after recovering democracy, as the previous isolation was the result of a dictatorship that Europeans rejected. First came the NATO, at the time of Calvo Sotelo and opposed by the Socialists, but these, once in power, they changed their minds so much by pragmatism as by pressures from other countries, so it is as in the 1986 referendum deeply divided public opinion (for the PSOE, CiU, and the PNV, against all groups to the left of the socialist People’s Alliance advocated abstention) accepted admission to the military institution by a just over 52% of the vote. The other major socialist goal was integration into the EEC (now EU), the talks had already begun with the UCD and were very long because of the difficulties of all kinds had to face and by the French fear a competitor agricultural and Spain. Finally, an agreement was reached and Spain became a full member in January 1986. The EU integration is an essential event in the contemporary history of our country both for its cultural and political significance as the enormous momentum that has since been the modernization of our economy and our society.
Since 1993, the PSOE lost the absolute majority rules with the support of Catalan and Basque nationalists in the midst of a major economic recession and the burden of multiple corruption scandals featuring activists and party leaders. The information on these cases of corruption were so frequent that eventually discredited the government to citizens who could not get over his astonishment (Case Files, commissions for public works, irregular funding, personal enrichment, etc.). The situation became untenable given the evidence that senior Interior Ministry were involved in criminal acts such as the murder of ETA members (and some innocent by mistake), disappearances, torture, and kidnapping of Segundo Marey. The condemnation by the courts of Justice Minister Barrionuevo and many of his top aides ended the credibility and prestige of the rulers.
Thus, in the 1996 elections, the Popular Party won a simple majority and ruled (José María Aznar is the President) with the support of the CiU, PNV, and Canary Coalition. In March 2000 the PP won the elections again, this time with a majority absolute. During his stay in the government, the PP has promoted significant legislative changes in relation to education, labor relations, the army (abolition of conscription and conscientious objection), some with the support of other forces by political or social pacts (with unions) and others in open confrontation with the social sectors (general strike in June 2002). From the economic point of view, the good times since 1994 and government reforms allowed Spain to join the EURO in 2002, economic growth at a high rate by reducing inflation and reducing unemployment, which although a significant gap still exists between our country and the EU average in such basic issues such as income per capita, investment in education and research, social expenditures, the incorporation of women into the labor market, the overall unemployment, and youth unemployment in particular.
5. Social and Cultural Changes
With the advent of democracy, freedom, and achievement of full European integration, the mentality and attitudes of the Spanish are evolving rapidly. In this development are the salient points: full acceptance by society of the principles and democratic practices, the tolerance for decisions or ways of being different, the secularization of customs breaks with the traditional Catholic religious dictatorship imposed by the (considerable decline of religious practice, widespread contraception, full acceptance of divorce, etc.), equal rights of women and the male remains some way to go, assessment of children and their rights and seniors; and finally the experience of multiculturalism normally imposed by the presence increasing immigrants from many sources.
Product of this cultural change and new forms of life, is the change experienced in demographic behavior and family structure and relationships among its members. With a higher life expectancy than in other EU countries, the Spanish birth rate has dropped dramatically given the very low fertility rates, which has led to a progressive aging of the population, very low growth, and the need for immigration. This is just a symbolic change for a society that until the end of the dictatorship was forced to emigrate to Europe to survive.